Mbita MP Millie Odhiambo has
criticised plans by ODM leadership to discipline members accused of being
disloyal to the party for refusing to back Moses Kajwang’ during the recent
Homa Bay senatorial race. Speaking to The Standard on phone, Millie said she would
not apologise over the allegations. She also faulted plans by the party ‘s
National Chairman John Mbadi to put strategies of taking disciplinary measures
against those who refused to co-operate with the party during campaigns for the
by-election. “I want to tell you that those who are talking about us are
hecklers because I have not committed any offence. I cannot apologise because I
don’t know the reason for the apology, hence they are the ones who should
apologise for the unfounded allegations,” Millie said. The MP warned the odm
officialws against taking disciplinary measures against her and maintained that
she will not allow her colleagues to threaten her. “Let Mbadi go to court and
sue me but I will counter sue him becausethey want to penalise me for what I
don’t understand. Let them understand that I cannot be given a red card by my
fellow players,” Millie said. She warned her fellow legislators over
threatening her and some of her colleagues due to their firm stance in offering
true defence to party leader Raila Odinga. “Some of these MPs came and found us
in ODM and there is nobody among them who has stood firm to defend Raila than
myself. I am warning them against traversing the Homa Bay County to taint
people’s names,” she added. She warned Mbadi against plans to take her to
court, saying she was innocent. “Some of the people who call us ‘moles’ are the
moles number ones because we know their relations with the Jubilee Government,”
she added. The decision to punish the rebels MPs was mooted by Raila during the
burial of former Homa Bay ODM vice chair at the weekend when he told Mbadi to
handle the cases of undisciplined members of the party. However, Millie
maintained that those are just plans which Mbadi wants to use to frustrate
members of ODM, with aim of creating a vacuumbetween Raila and the legislators.
Rangwe MP George Oner and his Ndhiwa counterpart Agostino Netodeclined to
comment. “I cannot comment about the question because everybody knows what I
stood for,” Oner said.
Kenya's Most Authoritative Political Newspaper
Tuesday, 24 February 2015
RAILA TO OBSERVE LESOTHO ELECTIONS
Opposition Leader Raila Odinga
travels to the Kingdom of Lesotho on Wednesday as head of the African Union
Election Observers Mission to elections scheduled for February 28 in the
Southern African nation. In January, the Commission of the African Union asked
Mr Odinga to lead its observer mission to the elections in line with the Durban
Declaration of July 2002 on the principles regulating democratic elections in
Africa. The Mission comprises forty (40) trained African Union observers from
the Permanent Representative Committee (PRC), Pan-African Parliament (PAP),
Election Management Bodies, Human Right Institutions and Civil Society
Organisations, all drawn from various African countries. The Short Term
Observers will complement the work of the AU Long-Term Experts who have been
deployed since January 29 and will remain in Lesotho until March 14. As part of
its activities, the Mission will meet relevant electoral stakeholders in
Lesotho including the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), Leaders of
Political Parties, Civil Society Organisations and other international
observers groups before observing the 28 February National Assembly Elections
across the country. After polling, the Mission will release its Preliminary
Statement at a Press Conference at the Maseru Sun Hotel. Subsequently, the
Mission will produce a more detailed final report with recommendations, two
months after the election. The report will be shared with relevant Lesotho
Authorities and released on the African Union. See also: Judges declare eight
sections of new security law illegal The observations and recommendations of
the Mission will be based on the fairness, credibility, transparency, and the
effective management of the election.
ODM MCAS CHARGED FOR BEATING MARGERER
Five Orange Democratic
Movement MCAs have denied assaulting the party's Executive Director Magerer
Langat at Orange House in October, last year. The five and a security guard
appeared before Senior Principal Magistrate Elizabeth Osoro at the Kibera Law
Courts yesterday, where they were charged with creating disturbance on October
30 at Orange House in Kilimani, Nairobi. Elias Otieno, Daniel Oria, George
Ochieng', Catherine Apiyo, Alvin Olando and Bernard Kadundo were also charged
with causing Mr Magerer bodily harm. Their lawyer, Harun Ndubi, asked the court
to defer plea taking, arguing that the charge sheet was defective. However, the
magistrate rejected the application saying any issues that may arise will be
dealt with during the hearing. She released them on a Sh10,000 cash bail each
with a surety of a similar amount. The matter will be heard on May 21. Earlier
this month, Magerer filed an application saying no investigations or arrests
were made after the incident even after he reported. See also: MPs fund-raise
for CDF case appeal He told the court that he was assaulted in the full glare
of the public. Fundamental rights "This assault happened in broad daylight
in front of VIPs, their armed bodyguards, vehicle security, armed police officers
and the public," he said. He sued for damages arguing that the inaction by
the relevant authorities was a breach of his fundamental rights. He stated that
on the fateful day, he had attended a CORD parliamentary group meeting when the
incident happened. While co-ordinating with the staff to ensure the smooth
running of the function, he stated, the MCAs stormed the meeting, assaulted him
and threw him out of the premises.
He further accused Olando of deflating his car's wheels after the group grabbed his office keys and assaulted him. He said even after police officers from Kilimani came to his rescue, none of the people he has accused of assaulting him have been arrested and charged with the offence. Magerer said he named the Inspector General of Police and the Director of Public Prosecutions as respondents in the matter for failing to take action on the MCAs despite reporting the matter and recording a statement at the Criminal Investigations Department.
He further accused Olando of deflating his car's wheels after the group grabbed his office keys and assaulted him. He said even after police officers from Kilimani came to his rescue, none of the people he has accused of assaulting him have been arrested and charged with the offence. Magerer said he named the Inspector General of Police and the Director of Public Prosecutions as respondents in the matter for failing to take action on the MCAs despite reporting the matter and recording a statement at the Criminal Investigations Department.
Sunday, 22 February 2015
MPS LINK ABABU NEW HOME TO PAC BRIBES
The future of Ababu Namwamba as chairman of the powerful Public Accounts Committee in parliament hangs in the balance after serious allegations of impropriety in looked against Chapter Six of the constitution on the integrity and leadership. To survive, the embattled Bundalangi MP and ODM secretary general is said to be reaching out to deputy president William Ruto to rescue him from an imminent puncture to his political career that may serve him a severe blow.
Ruto and Namwamba have been close since their days in ODM. Last year, during the controversial ODM national polls, it was claimed the Namwamba camp enjoyed support and financial backing of Ruto.
In Pac, Namwamba is being accused of corruption, getting bribes, allocating himself many foreign trips and failing to delegate duties to committee members, thus running a one-man show. Already, pictures are circulating in parliament of a multi-million house the MP has constructed in Bundalangi said to be from bribes.
The house project is said to have been started immediately he landed the plum PAC slot and was constructed within months.
The trouble at PAC began when Ababu and his chosen few are said to have doctored a probe report on the loss of billions of shillings from the former Internal Security ministry.
Namwamba is said to have pushed for the clearance the former permanent secretary Mutea Iringo who was adversely mentioned. The report in favour of Iringo was sneaked in against a section of members.
The controversial report had revealed how senior Internal Security ministry officials used a secret account at National Bank of Kenya to siphon billions of taxpayers’ money from public coffers in the run-up to the 2013 general election.
The report reveals how the Auditor General unearthed the existence of a secret account at National Bank where Sh2.8 billion was wired and spent on items marked as ‘confidential’. At first, Pac wanted officials who have previously served as permanent secretaries in the Internal Security ministry be held responsible for presiding over the scandal but later cleared them.
Francis Kimemia, later the Head of Civil Service and Iringo were the accounting officers in the Internal Security ministry in the year ended June 2013 covered by Pac’s audit report.
What is raising eyebrows is that even as Namwamba cleared the OP-based cartel, Uhuru Kenyatta has personally admitted the existence of powerful cartels in government, including his office, whom he accuses of working at the behest of shadowy investors to fleece the taxpayer. Pac members have appended their signatures in a move to replace their chairman.
The trouble for Namwamba is that the plot to oust him is being pushed by both Jubilee and Cord MPs and as such he is an isolated man. Pac according to parliamentary standings must be chaired by an opposition MP.
Already, names of possible candidates to replace Namwamba have been floated. Those mentioned as possible candidates are Edick Anyanga, Ahmed Abbas, Junet Mohamed and Manson Nyamweya.
Abbas is an accountant and is the man Jubilee members are comfortable with. However, those opposed to him say Aden Keynan, the chairman of another influential committee – the Public Investment is from the same region and religion. To compound matters is the fact the leader of majority in parliament has roots in the same area.
It is on these grounds the anti-Namwamba forces want a face outside North-Eastern to replace him. Within ODM, Junet is being favoured by virtue of being party leader Raila Odinga’s lieutenant.
Before his election as Pac chairman, Namwamba had defeated Anyanga with 16 against 10 votes. It is not, however, known if Anyanga will contest again should the plot to oust Namwamba succeed. So far, 19 MPs out of 27 have appended their signatures supporting the removal of Namwamba. The 19 are from both Cord and Jubilee.
Apart from claims of bribery, Ababu is being accused of doctoring and leaking reports with an aim of sabotaging parliamentary committee reports. Parliamentary rules are clear that once a report is leaked, it becomes of no value. In Namwamba camp is deputy chair Cecily Mbarire. She is said to be the link with powerful forces in Jubilee who are out to control the happenings at Pac. Her links in the corridors of power is Devolution secretary Anne Waiguru. A source within Pac revealed how they are out to find illgoings at National Youth Service where tenders have been awarded to politically correct individuals among them political analyst Mutahi Ngunyi and one Mike Njeru.
Pac is accused of being a money minting machine and even doctored a report on the controversial hiring of a jet for Ruto’s tour to West Africa. Also under siege are MPs known to have pocketed bribes from people adversely mentioned to Pac. Sources say one MP Manson Nyamweya allegedly gave out at least Sh4 million to have a report changed. Mbarire is linked to having allegedly brought Sh10 million in a deal to have another report shelved in favour of some of those who were adversely mentioned.
Namwamba and his team took millions of shillings in bribes in order to change the recommendations of certain reports on various dates, it is claimed. The Pac core responsibility involves the examination of the accounts showing the appropriations of the sum voted by the House to meet the public expenditure and of such other accounts
The following are the Committee’s full membership. Namwamba (chairperson), Mbarire, (vice chairperson), Joseph Manje, Jude Njomo, Joel Onyancha, Kareke Mbuiki, Gonzi Rai, Julius Melly, Jackson Rop, James Bett, Fathia Mahbub, Mathias Robi, Stephen Manoti, John Sakwa, Arthur Odera, Edick Omondi Anyanga, Junet Sheikh Nuh, John Mbadi, Kyengo Maweu.
Silvance Osele, Manson Nyamweya, Alice Chae, Mwadime Andrew, Abass Ibrahim, Geni Mong’are and Jessica Mbalu.
Ruto and Namwamba have been close since their days in ODM. Last year, during the controversial ODM national polls, it was claimed the Namwamba camp enjoyed support and financial backing of Ruto.
In Pac, Namwamba is being accused of corruption, getting bribes, allocating himself many foreign trips and failing to delegate duties to committee members, thus running a one-man show. Already, pictures are circulating in parliament of a multi-million house the MP has constructed in Bundalangi said to be from bribes.
The house project is said to have been started immediately he landed the plum PAC slot and was constructed within months.
The trouble at PAC began when Ababu and his chosen few are said to have doctored a probe report on the loss of billions of shillings from the former Internal Security ministry.
Namwamba is said to have pushed for the clearance the former permanent secretary Mutea Iringo who was adversely mentioned. The report in favour of Iringo was sneaked in against a section of members.
The controversial report had revealed how senior Internal Security ministry officials used a secret account at National Bank of Kenya to siphon billions of taxpayers’ money from public coffers in the run-up to the 2013 general election.
The report reveals how the Auditor General unearthed the existence of a secret account at National Bank where Sh2.8 billion was wired and spent on items marked as ‘confidential’. At first, Pac wanted officials who have previously served as permanent secretaries in the Internal Security ministry be held responsible for presiding over the scandal but later cleared them.
Francis Kimemia, later the Head of Civil Service and Iringo were the accounting officers in the Internal Security ministry in the year ended June 2013 covered by Pac’s audit report.
What is raising eyebrows is that even as Namwamba cleared the OP-based cartel, Uhuru Kenyatta has personally admitted the existence of powerful cartels in government, including his office, whom he accuses of working at the behest of shadowy investors to fleece the taxpayer. Pac members have appended their signatures in a move to replace their chairman.
The trouble for Namwamba is that the plot to oust him is being pushed by both Jubilee and Cord MPs and as such he is an isolated man. Pac according to parliamentary standings must be chaired by an opposition MP.
Already, names of possible candidates to replace Namwamba have been floated. Those mentioned as possible candidates are Edick Anyanga, Ahmed Abbas, Junet Mohamed and Manson Nyamweya.
Abbas is an accountant and is the man Jubilee members are comfortable with. However, those opposed to him say Aden Keynan, the chairman of another influential committee – the Public Investment is from the same region and religion. To compound matters is the fact the leader of majority in parliament has roots in the same area.
It is on these grounds the anti-Namwamba forces want a face outside North-Eastern to replace him. Within ODM, Junet is being favoured by virtue of being party leader Raila Odinga’s lieutenant.
Before his election as Pac chairman, Namwamba had defeated Anyanga with 16 against 10 votes. It is not, however, known if Anyanga will contest again should the plot to oust Namwamba succeed. So far, 19 MPs out of 27 have appended their signatures supporting the removal of Namwamba. The 19 are from both Cord and Jubilee.
Apart from claims of bribery, Ababu is being accused of doctoring and leaking reports with an aim of sabotaging parliamentary committee reports. Parliamentary rules are clear that once a report is leaked, it becomes of no value. In Namwamba camp is deputy chair Cecily Mbarire. She is said to be the link with powerful forces in Jubilee who are out to control the happenings at Pac. Her links in the corridors of power is Devolution secretary Anne Waiguru. A source within Pac revealed how they are out to find illgoings at National Youth Service where tenders have been awarded to politically correct individuals among them political analyst Mutahi Ngunyi and one Mike Njeru.
Pac is accused of being a money minting machine and even doctored a report on the controversial hiring of a jet for Ruto’s tour to West Africa. Also under siege are MPs known to have pocketed bribes from people adversely mentioned to Pac. Sources say one MP Manson Nyamweya allegedly gave out at least Sh4 million to have a report changed. Mbarire is linked to having allegedly brought Sh10 million in a deal to have another report shelved in favour of some of those who were adversely mentioned.
Namwamba and his team took millions of shillings in bribes in order to change the recommendations of certain reports on various dates, it is claimed. The Pac core responsibility involves the examination of the accounts showing the appropriations of the sum voted by the House to meet the public expenditure and of such other accounts
The following are the Committee’s full membership. Namwamba (chairperson), Mbarire, (vice chairperson), Joseph Manje, Jude Njomo, Joel Onyancha, Kareke Mbuiki, Gonzi Rai, Julius Melly, Jackson Rop, James Bett, Fathia Mahbub, Mathias Robi, Stephen Manoti, John Sakwa, Arthur Odera, Edick Omondi Anyanga, Junet Sheikh Nuh, John Mbadi, Kyengo Maweu.
Silvance Osele, Manson Nyamweya, Alice Chae, Mwadime Andrew, Abass Ibrahim, Geni Mong’are and Jessica Mbalu.
UHURU, RUTO DISCUSS CABINET SHUFFLE
The Jubilee presidency, out to stamp its authority, is working on final touches on its first major cabinet reshuffle and an overhaul of state corporation chief officers and chairmen.
Consequently, a major scramble for patronage is on with those from region’s perceived to be opposed to the Jubilee government said to stand good chances.
It is understood that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are being advised not to get carried away with the tyranny of numbers like it happened when they crafted their first cabinet in May-June 2013.
At the time, the emphasis was on technocrats and Mt Kenya and Rift Valley regions. This time round, Luhyas and Luos are said to be in consideration for jobs in the looming changes.
One and a half years down the line, the myth and the art of technocracy has been exposed by lacklustre cabinet performance laced with outright arrogance and thievishness. The technocratic failure icons of the Jubilee cabinet comprise over a dozen, mostly with roots in Jubilee political strongholds of Rift Valley and Central.
Education secretary Jacob Kaimenyi, who is widely considered to be an overeducated fellow, is seen as having botched Jubilee’s single biggest manifesto pledge - the much touted laptop for all Class One pupils project. It is likely that the opposition will use the lap top project as a campaign tool 2017 to try fix the government. At the ministry of Health, cabinet secretary James Macharia is sitting on a time bomb as documents and information is already being leaked out that shows that together with his allies christened Macharia-12, they have become overnight millionaires. Macharia is said to have transferred those perceived to be stumbling blocks in dirty deals in the ministry to have his way. On top of it, sexual favours are the talk of town at the Health ministry headquarters.
The saga of Joseph ole Lenku, who as Interior cabinet secretary made Kenya the world’s counter-terrorism laughing stock and destroyed the 2014 tourism season with losses of tens of thousands of jobs and opportunities, showed how reluctant the digital duo presidency was to move against its own cabinet.
The future of Energy cabinet secretary Davies Chirchir at the helm of ministry of Energy hangs in the balance following fresh revelations and confirmation that he played a central role in a bribery case that has landed two Britons in jail. He was a commissioner in the defunct IIEBC and a confidante of a Canadian firm associated with the controversial biometric voter’s kitty and one Mr Sinclair.
Well-placed sources now say that sooner than later, Uhuru could relieve Chirchir of his duties for being the first member of the cabinet directly implicated in a scandal where he used his positions to enrich himself.
It has emerged that the donor community has piled pressure on Uhuru to fire Chirchir and have given tough conditions that donor funding to new and ongoing projects will be stopped until Chirchir clears his name with Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission. The energy docket is one of the departments that rely heavily on donor funding.
Uhuru and the Jubilee administration must therefore choose between keeping Chirchir in office and having donors withhold donor funds. Sources say that immediately after the UK court sent suspects to jail, all major donors to the energy sector made their position known that as long as Chirchir is still in office, there will be no more funding.
It is a fact that if Uhuru does not take action, he will lose the moral authority to talk about corruption. Sources further divulged that Uhuru seems to have made up his mind and that it is just a matter of time before Chirchir is asked to step aside. Of late, Uhuru has been talking tough on corruption among his top government officials including cabinet secretaries. Time will tell if he is willing to match his vows to curb wastage of public funds, by inflicting a serious blow to corruption with action.
To show how Uhuru takes the chicken scam seriously, early in the year after it came into the public limelight, it is alleged that a worried Chirchir tried in vain to have a one on one with Uhuru. It is not known the nature of the meeting he had sought to have with Uhuru but sources say his attempts were futile. At one point, during his visit to the US and which coincided with Uhuru’s visit to Europe, he made frantic efforts to meet Uhuru. Although he was allowed up to the hotel where Uhuru and his entourage were booked, Uhuru is said to have declined to meet him for fear of being seen to be an ally in the chicken scam.
Sources say Uhuru had gotten intelligence reports that Chirchir had wished to meet him to discuss the chicken scam in private but Uhuru declined saying such matters are discussed at cabinet level and not in private.
Chirchir’s appointment to the powerful energy docket had initially met several hurdles. The parliamentary committee on vetting during a meeting at the Windsor Golf and Country Club was divided over his approval.
The truth of the matter is that Chirchir got approval thanks to the tyranny of numbers. The committee chaired by Speaker Justin Muturi questioned the competence of Chirchir to handle the energy docket. “There is a general feeling across the political divide that Chirchir is not competent enough to handle the crucial docket. There is agreement that he should not be cleared,” said a source privy to the closed-door meeting at Windsor.
The Cord coalition members in the panel were uncomfortable with Chirchir accusing him of aiding Jubilee to win the March 4 2013 disputed general elections. Cord accused Chirchir of doing business with the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and having held passwords to the commissions IT systems when he served as a commissioner to the defunct IIEBC.
But even before Uhuru cracks the whip, Chirchir and a number of current and former public officials implicated in the UK court proceedings on bribery of Kenyan officials to facilitate award of multi-million shilling tenders were last week quizzed by the anti-corruption sleuths.
Among those who appeared at Integrity Centre are IEBC chairman Isaak Hassan and Chirchir. Also to appear this week is former chief executive James Oswago.
Last week, Hassan distanced himself from the chicken scam saying the deals were executed long before the electoral commission was formed. Could this be the case of Hassan now fixing Chirchir?
Going by the new twist in the chicken saga and following revelations by the Director of Public Prosecutions Keriako Tobiko last week that he is ready to handle the matter once the EACC completes the investigations, it is a matter of time before Chirchir finds himself in the dock. Once arrested and charged, he will be forced to step aside until the court ruling.
Those demanding that Chirchir must quit say the conduct of state officers in private and public is very central in determining whether they have the required integrity and suitability to hold office. They now say Chirchir must leave public office because questions of the integrity or suitability of state officers do not need to be ascertained through court cases proving the guilt or innocence of the concerned party.
Uhuru is also now under intense pressure to actualise his public statements with concrete and tangible steps in tackling corruption in his government, let him begin with sacking Chirchir and any other person linked with the chicken scandal.
Recently, Nicholas Charles Smith, 43, was jailed for three years by the Southwark Crown Court for bribing officials of the IIEBC and the Kenya National Examinations Council bosses so as to get printing contracts.
Smith’s father, Christopher John Smith, 71, was sentenced to an 18 month suspended term for his role in the scandal in which top IIEBC and KNEC officials pocketed Sh50 million as bribes to award tenders to Smith & Ouzman Ltd.
What at first began as mere speculations when Chirchir was in the bungled 2007 election has now come to pass. Focus now shifts to Uhuru to pave way for the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to investigate and prosecute Chirchir and other Kenyans named in the indictment against the Britons.
The prosecution showed that the Kenyan taxpayer paid dearly for the illicit dealings between senior Smith & Ouzman officials and the senior managers and commissioners in the defunct IIEBC.
Apart from Chirchir, others named in the scam are IEBC chairman Hassan, former IEBC chief executive Oswago, former IIEBC commissioners Joseph Dena and lawyer Ken Nyaundi. Others are former IIEBC employees Kenneth Karani and Hamida Ali Kibwana, as well as Smith & Ouzman’s local agent, Trevy James Oyombra.
Allegations are that Chirchir was the main man who brokered the deal and who received the bribes from Smith & Ouzman. According to the court papers, the bribes were wired to the account of Oyombra, who would withdraw the money and give it to Chirchir who would in turn share it with his team. Chirchir frequently visited UK to supervise printing of ballot papers. Unconfirmed information stated that Oyombra and Chirchir were spotted holding secret meetings both at IIEBC offices and at exclusive clubs within and outside Nairobi. It was during such meetings that the two planned how tenders would be skewed in favour of Smith & Ouzman and the amount of bribes to be given out in return for the “favours”.
The prosecution further claimed that apart from the bribes, Smith & Ouzman would also foot travel and accommodation costs for Chirchir whenever he travelled to London. While in London, prosecution revealed that Smith & Ouzman also gave him huge amounts of money to shop for his family.
What is even causing more worries for Chirchir is the fact that the smooth-talking, former procurement officer at the disbanded Electoral Commission of Kenya has threatened to spill the beans should the big fish be spared.
The worry is that after the scandal was exposed, Oyombra has never had time for Chirchir. He allegedly changed contacts and has virtually disappeared from social media. His account on Twitter, Trevy James Oyombra, is gone, as is his profile on LinkedIn. Apart from Chirchir, he has severed links with some of his businesses. Those who know him say he is a shrewd wheeler dealer who knew how to manipulate his employer to make money.
As things stand now and following more pressure from Cord leaders Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka and Moses Wetang’ula, the Law Society of Kenya and the civil society, Chirchir could just be serving as a cabinet secretary on borrowed time and anytime either Uhuru could ask him to step aside or the EACCC could arrest him and lock him up.
However, calls to have Chirchir sacked are now threatening to tear apart the Jubilee coalition. We have information that Uhuru had made up his mind to send Chirchir home but Ruto is not keen on it. Sources say Chirchir who is allied to the URP wing of the coalition can only be sacked upon consultation and concurrence between Ruto and Uhuru.
The matter has also put Ruto in a catch-22. One, Ruto is well aware that his then ODM side lost the 2007 elections and the blame now lies squarely on Chirchir who was used to bungle the elections. Two, Ruto also claims that had Raila’s victory not been stolen in 2007, there would have been no post-election violence and so he would not be at The Hague. On that note, he blames his tribulations on Chirchir’s role in the bungled elections.
But on the other hand, Ruto also feels indebted to Chirchir. According to URP sources, Chirchir is one of the key financiers of URP and now a key member of the Ruto kitchen cabinet. It is for the role that he plays in URP affairs that Ruto is finding it hard to allow Uhuru sack him. Prior to his appointment to the cabinet, he served as URP’s director of elections.
Uhuru is also on the other hand finding it hard to continue retaining him in office after his accomplices were jailed for giving Kenyan officials bribes. The matter is now threatening to create bad blood between Ruto and Uhuru but Uhuru allies are pushing hard to see Chirchir sacked while Ruto allies from the URP side claim that he can only be sacked after a court process and if proven guilty.
Last week, Cord issued a statement which read: “The case in London by the Serious Fraud Office puts our prosecution and our Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to serious shame and credibility questions. That Kenyan election officials pocketed millions of shillings in bribes to award lucrative printing contracts to Smith & Ouzman over a two-year period, then those same people proceeded to manage our critical 2013 polls is an unacceptably strong statement on how low we sank and how much some of us insist we must remain in that hole. We therefore demand the immediate resignation of all the officers and former officers mentioned in this scandal, their immediate arrest and their immediate prosecution. The rule of accountability must begin at the top with the arrest and prosecution of Chirchir and Hassan”.
The UK prosecution proved beyond no reasonable doubt that in the deal, printing contracts, costs were inflated by up to 38pc mainly to cater for the kickbacks commonly referred to as ‘chicken’.
The kickbacks covered election materials for the 2010 constitution referendum, four parliamentary by-elections held in Shinyalu, Bomachoge, South Mugirango and Matuga as well as a host of civic polls.
Those who have interacted with Chirchir say he is a private man who prefers to cut deals secretly without even involving his close friends or allies. Even at the ministry, he is said to run the affairs of the ministry in a secretive manner. He once worked at ODM-Kenya now Wiper party but left in unexplained circumstances.
This is not the first time however, that Chirchir’s name is being mentioned in a negative manner. Immediately after his appointment, there was hue and cry that he was sidestepping parastatal heads under his docket. It has been further alleged that he has allegedly reduced his principal secretary Joseph Njoroge to a spectator in the ministry.
Ever since his appointment, the CEOs of parastatals under his ministry have been secretly complaining that he has been undermining them and sometimes preferring to sidestep them as he gives verbal instructions to their juniors.
Chirchir was born in 1960 and his academic and professional background shows that he previously served as general manager at Kenya Posts and Telecommunications Corporation, Communication Commission of Kenya, Postal Corporation of Kenya and staff Pension Fund. He also coordinated the privatisation of Telkom Kenya and establishment of Safaricom. He holds a Masters of Business Administration in International Management from Royal Holloway School of Management, University of London and a Bachelor of Science degree in Computer Science and Physics from the University of Nairobi.
Impeccable sources inside the presidency told Weekly Citizen that in their discussions, some of which have been held without even the closest aides present, Uhuru and his deputy have finally resolved to move with ruthlessness, much wider inclusivity than in 2013 and to throw at least three cabinet and principal secretaries into the anti-corruption courts.
As such, a lot of people are angling to influence the shape of the Jubilee cabinet and state corporations at the ruling coalition’s halfway mark ahead of the titanic 2017 presidential poll clash in which UhuRuto will be prospecting for a second and final term for the president and the opposition will be seeking to lock them into just one term.
Raila made his most determined move yet to undermine the tyranny of numbers brigade at the funeral of slain Kabete MP George Muchai. He started by stepping up pressure on the government to arrest and charge state officers implicated in the Chickengate scam.
But Ruto, who represented the president at the burial, sprang to the defence of those named in the scandal, saying similarly, professional investigations must be conducted in the matter before condemning those mentioned.
Ruto said it would be contradictory for leaders to call for immediate punishment of the IEBC officials and at the same time say the murder of Muchai be investigated first before those involved are brought to book.
Also in the crosshairs of UhuRuto’s first shuffle are Charity Ngilu, Najib Balala and Kazungu Kambi. Corruption allegations have dogged them throughout the life of the Jubilee regime so far. Balala has a case in court in which he has taken evasive action.
As they approach the halfway mark in their fist term, Uhuru and Ruto and their strategic teams also want the cabinet expanded from 18 members to the constitutionally sanctioned maximum of 22.
Insider sources told Weekly Citizen that the regions to benefit both in the changes will be Western, Kisii, Eastern, Coast and the rebellious South Rift Kipsigis region.
Consequently, a major scramble for patronage is on with those from region’s perceived to be opposed to the Jubilee government said to stand good chances.
It is understood that Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are being advised not to get carried away with the tyranny of numbers like it happened when they crafted their first cabinet in May-June 2013.
At the time, the emphasis was on technocrats and Mt Kenya and Rift Valley regions. This time round, Luhyas and Luos are said to be in consideration for jobs in the looming changes.
One and a half years down the line, the myth and the art of technocracy has been exposed by lacklustre cabinet performance laced with outright arrogance and thievishness. The technocratic failure icons of the Jubilee cabinet comprise over a dozen, mostly with roots in Jubilee political strongholds of Rift Valley and Central.
Education secretary Jacob Kaimenyi, who is widely considered to be an overeducated fellow, is seen as having botched Jubilee’s single biggest manifesto pledge - the much touted laptop for all Class One pupils project. It is likely that the opposition will use the lap top project as a campaign tool 2017 to try fix the government. At the ministry of Health, cabinet secretary James Macharia is sitting on a time bomb as documents and information is already being leaked out that shows that together with his allies christened Macharia-12, they have become overnight millionaires. Macharia is said to have transferred those perceived to be stumbling blocks in dirty deals in the ministry to have his way. On top of it, sexual favours are the talk of town at the Health ministry headquarters.
The saga of Joseph ole Lenku, who as Interior cabinet secretary made Kenya the world’s counter-terrorism laughing stock and destroyed the 2014 tourism season with losses of tens of thousands of jobs and opportunities, showed how reluctant the digital duo presidency was to move against its own cabinet.
The future of Energy cabinet secretary Davies Chirchir at the helm of ministry of Energy hangs in the balance following fresh revelations and confirmation that he played a central role in a bribery case that has landed two Britons in jail. He was a commissioner in the defunct IIEBC and a confidante of a Canadian firm associated with the controversial biometric voter’s kitty and one Mr Sinclair.
Well-placed sources now say that sooner than later, Uhuru could relieve Chirchir of his duties for being the first member of the cabinet directly implicated in a scandal where he used his positions to enrich himself.
It has emerged that the donor community has piled pressure on Uhuru to fire Chirchir and have given tough conditions that donor funding to new and ongoing projects will be stopped until Chirchir clears his name with Ethics and Anti Corruption Commission. The energy docket is one of the departments that rely heavily on donor funding.
Uhuru and the Jubilee administration must therefore choose between keeping Chirchir in office and having donors withhold donor funds. Sources say that immediately after the UK court sent suspects to jail, all major donors to the energy sector made their position known that as long as Chirchir is still in office, there will be no more funding.
It is a fact that if Uhuru does not take action, he will lose the moral authority to talk about corruption. Sources further divulged that Uhuru seems to have made up his mind and that it is just a matter of time before Chirchir is asked to step aside. Of late, Uhuru has been talking tough on corruption among his top government officials including cabinet secretaries. Time will tell if he is willing to match his vows to curb wastage of public funds, by inflicting a serious blow to corruption with action.
To show how Uhuru takes the chicken scam seriously, early in the year after it came into the public limelight, it is alleged that a worried Chirchir tried in vain to have a one on one with Uhuru. It is not known the nature of the meeting he had sought to have with Uhuru but sources say his attempts were futile. At one point, during his visit to the US and which coincided with Uhuru’s visit to Europe, he made frantic efforts to meet Uhuru. Although he was allowed up to the hotel where Uhuru and his entourage were booked, Uhuru is said to have declined to meet him for fear of being seen to be an ally in the chicken scam.
Sources say Uhuru had gotten intelligence reports that Chirchir had wished to meet him to discuss the chicken scam in private but Uhuru declined saying such matters are discussed at cabinet level and not in private.
Chirchir’s appointment to the powerful energy docket had initially met several hurdles. The parliamentary committee on vetting during a meeting at the Windsor Golf and Country Club was divided over his approval.
The truth of the matter is that Chirchir got approval thanks to the tyranny of numbers. The committee chaired by Speaker Justin Muturi questioned the competence of Chirchir to handle the energy docket. “There is a general feeling across the political divide that Chirchir is not competent enough to handle the crucial docket. There is agreement that he should not be cleared,” said a source privy to the closed-door meeting at Windsor.
The Cord coalition members in the panel were uncomfortable with Chirchir accusing him of aiding Jubilee to win the March 4 2013 disputed general elections. Cord accused Chirchir of doing business with the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission and having held passwords to the commissions IT systems when he served as a commissioner to the defunct IIEBC.
But even before Uhuru cracks the whip, Chirchir and a number of current and former public officials implicated in the UK court proceedings on bribery of Kenyan officials to facilitate award of multi-million shilling tenders were last week quizzed by the anti-corruption sleuths.
Among those who appeared at Integrity Centre are IEBC chairman Isaak Hassan and Chirchir. Also to appear this week is former chief executive James Oswago.
Last week, Hassan distanced himself from the chicken scam saying the deals were executed long before the electoral commission was formed. Could this be the case of Hassan now fixing Chirchir?
Going by the new twist in the chicken saga and following revelations by the Director of Public Prosecutions Keriako Tobiko last week that he is ready to handle the matter once the EACC completes the investigations, it is a matter of time before Chirchir finds himself in the dock. Once arrested and charged, he will be forced to step aside until the court ruling.
Those demanding that Chirchir must quit say the conduct of state officers in private and public is very central in determining whether they have the required integrity and suitability to hold office. They now say Chirchir must leave public office because questions of the integrity or suitability of state officers do not need to be ascertained through court cases proving the guilt or innocence of the concerned party.
Uhuru is also now under intense pressure to actualise his public statements with concrete and tangible steps in tackling corruption in his government, let him begin with sacking Chirchir and any other person linked with the chicken scandal.
Recently, Nicholas Charles Smith, 43, was jailed for three years by the Southwark Crown Court for bribing officials of the IIEBC and the Kenya National Examinations Council bosses so as to get printing contracts.
Smith’s father, Christopher John Smith, 71, was sentenced to an 18 month suspended term for his role in the scandal in which top IIEBC and KNEC officials pocketed Sh50 million as bribes to award tenders to Smith & Ouzman Ltd.
What at first began as mere speculations when Chirchir was in the bungled 2007 election has now come to pass. Focus now shifts to Uhuru to pave way for the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to investigate and prosecute Chirchir and other Kenyans named in the indictment against the Britons.
The prosecution showed that the Kenyan taxpayer paid dearly for the illicit dealings between senior Smith & Ouzman officials and the senior managers and commissioners in the defunct IIEBC.
Apart from Chirchir, others named in the scam are IEBC chairman Hassan, former IEBC chief executive Oswago, former IIEBC commissioners Joseph Dena and lawyer Ken Nyaundi. Others are former IIEBC employees Kenneth Karani and Hamida Ali Kibwana, as well as Smith & Ouzman’s local agent, Trevy James Oyombra.
Allegations are that Chirchir was the main man who brokered the deal and who received the bribes from Smith & Ouzman. According to the court papers, the bribes were wired to the account of Oyombra, who would withdraw the money and give it to Chirchir who would in turn share it with his team. Chirchir frequently visited UK to supervise printing of ballot papers. Unconfirmed information stated that Oyombra and Chirchir were spotted holding secret meetings both at IIEBC offices and at exclusive clubs within and outside Nairobi. It was during such meetings that the two planned how tenders would be skewed in favour of Smith & Ouzman and the amount of bribes to be given out in return for the “favours”.
The prosecution further claimed that apart from the bribes, Smith & Ouzman would also foot travel and accommodation costs for Chirchir whenever he travelled to London. While in London, prosecution revealed that Smith & Ouzman also gave him huge amounts of money to shop for his family.
What is even causing more worries for Chirchir is the fact that the smooth-talking, former procurement officer at the disbanded Electoral Commission of Kenya has threatened to spill the beans should the big fish be spared.
The worry is that after the scandal was exposed, Oyombra has never had time for Chirchir. He allegedly changed contacts and has virtually disappeared from social media. His account on Twitter, Trevy James Oyombra, is gone, as is his profile on LinkedIn. Apart from Chirchir, he has severed links with some of his businesses. Those who know him say he is a shrewd wheeler dealer who knew how to manipulate his employer to make money.
As things stand now and following more pressure from Cord leaders Raila Odinga, Kalonzo Musyoka and Moses Wetang’ula, the Law Society of Kenya and the civil society, Chirchir could just be serving as a cabinet secretary on borrowed time and anytime either Uhuru could ask him to step aside or the EACCC could arrest him and lock him up.
However, calls to have Chirchir sacked are now threatening to tear apart the Jubilee coalition. We have information that Uhuru had made up his mind to send Chirchir home but Ruto is not keen on it. Sources say Chirchir who is allied to the URP wing of the coalition can only be sacked upon consultation and concurrence between Ruto and Uhuru.
The matter has also put Ruto in a catch-22. One, Ruto is well aware that his then ODM side lost the 2007 elections and the blame now lies squarely on Chirchir who was used to bungle the elections. Two, Ruto also claims that had Raila’s victory not been stolen in 2007, there would have been no post-election violence and so he would not be at The Hague. On that note, he blames his tribulations on Chirchir’s role in the bungled elections.
But on the other hand, Ruto also feels indebted to Chirchir. According to URP sources, Chirchir is one of the key financiers of URP and now a key member of the Ruto kitchen cabinet. It is for the role that he plays in URP affairs that Ruto is finding it hard to allow Uhuru sack him. Prior to his appointment to the cabinet, he served as URP’s director of elections.
Uhuru is also on the other hand finding it hard to continue retaining him in office after his accomplices were jailed for giving Kenyan officials bribes. The matter is now threatening to create bad blood between Ruto and Uhuru but Uhuru allies are pushing hard to see Chirchir sacked while Ruto allies from the URP side claim that he can only be sacked after a court process and if proven guilty.
Last week, Cord issued a statement which read: “The case in London by the Serious Fraud Office puts our prosecution and our Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to serious shame and credibility questions. That Kenyan election officials pocketed millions of shillings in bribes to award lucrative printing contracts to Smith & Ouzman over a two-year period, then those same people proceeded to manage our critical 2013 polls is an unacceptably strong statement on how low we sank and how much some of us insist we must remain in that hole. We therefore demand the immediate resignation of all the officers and former officers mentioned in this scandal, their immediate arrest and their immediate prosecution. The rule of accountability must begin at the top with the arrest and prosecution of Chirchir and Hassan”.
The UK prosecution proved beyond no reasonable doubt that in the deal, printing contracts, costs were inflated by up to 38pc mainly to cater for the kickbacks commonly referred to as ‘chicken’.
The kickbacks covered election materials for the 2010 constitution referendum, four parliamentary by-elections held in Shinyalu, Bomachoge, South Mugirango and Matuga as well as a host of civic polls.
Those who have interacted with Chirchir say he is a private man who prefers to cut deals secretly without even involving his close friends or allies. Even at the ministry, he is said to run the affairs of the ministry in a secretive manner. He once worked at ODM-Kenya now Wiper party but left in unexplained circumstances.
This is not the first time however, that Chirchir’s name is being mentioned in a negative manner. Immediately after his appointment, there was hue and cry that he was sidestepping parastatal heads under his docket. It has been further alleged that he has allegedly reduced his principal secretary Joseph Njoroge to a spectator in the ministry.
Ever since his appointment, the CEOs of parastatals under his ministry have been secretly complaining that he has been undermining them and sometimes preferring to sidestep them as he gives verbal instructions to their juniors.
Chirchir was born in 1960 and his academic and professional background shows that he previously served as general manager at Kenya Posts and Telecommunications Corporation, Communication Commission of Kenya, Postal Corporation of Kenya and staff Pension Fund. He also coordinated the privatisation of Telkom Kenya and establishment of Safaricom. He holds a Masters of Business Administration in International Management from Royal Holloway School of Management, University of London and a Bachelor of Science degree in Computer Science and Physics from the University of Nairobi.
Impeccable sources inside the presidency told Weekly Citizen that in their discussions, some of which have been held without even the closest aides present, Uhuru and his deputy have finally resolved to move with ruthlessness, much wider inclusivity than in 2013 and to throw at least three cabinet and principal secretaries into the anti-corruption courts.
As such, a lot of people are angling to influence the shape of the Jubilee cabinet and state corporations at the ruling coalition’s halfway mark ahead of the titanic 2017 presidential poll clash in which UhuRuto will be prospecting for a second and final term for the president and the opposition will be seeking to lock them into just one term.
Raila made his most determined move yet to undermine the tyranny of numbers brigade at the funeral of slain Kabete MP George Muchai. He started by stepping up pressure on the government to arrest and charge state officers implicated in the Chickengate scam.
But Ruto, who represented the president at the burial, sprang to the defence of those named in the scandal, saying similarly, professional investigations must be conducted in the matter before condemning those mentioned.
Ruto said it would be contradictory for leaders to call for immediate punishment of the IEBC officials and at the same time say the murder of Muchai be investigated first before those involved are brought to book.
Also in the crosshairs of UhuRuto’s first shuffle are Charity Ngilu, Najib Balala and Kazungu Kambi. Corruption allegations have dogged them throughout the life of the Jubilee regime so far. Balala has a case in court in which he has taken evasive action.
As they approach the halfway mark in their fist term, Uhuru and Ruto and their strategic teams also want the cabinet expanded from 18 members to the constitutionally sanctioned maximum of 22.
Insider sources told Weekly Citizen that the regions to benefit both in the changes will be Western, Kisii, Eastern, Coast and the rebellious South Rift Kipsigis region.
Jostling for KMA top job starts in earnest
The Kenya Maritime Authority is seeking for a new director-general after the term of Nancy Karigithu who has been at the parastatal’s helm for nearly a decade came to an end last week.
KMA board has subsequently placed advertisements calling for eligible candidates to apply for the coveted position. The board said the ideal candidate must have a Masters degree in a maritime field or its equivalent, besides other requirements including adhering to the provisions of Chapter Six of the constitution on leadership and integrity.
The advertisement of the position comes hot on the heels of mounting tension in the Mombasa-based state corporation following claims that the outgoing director-general had attempted to bulldoze the board led by Mwalimu Digore to have her contract extended.
Following the claims, a local human rights organisation has threatened to stage demonstrations if Karigithu’s tenure is to be extended covertly. The outgoing DG has held the position for nine years against the requirement that such positions be held for a maximum of two terms of three years each, totaling six years as stipulated.
According to sources, Karigithu had allegedly written to the board a few weeks earlier requesting for an extension. It is not, however, clear what reasons she gave to back her request. The contents of the letter allegedly leaked out to a section of employees who in turn passed the information to a human rights’ organisation spilled the beans. However, as tension escalated, the DG reportedly withdrew her letter.
Coast political leaders including chairman of the Coast Parliamentary Group Gideon Mung’aro are reportedly lobbying to have a coastal and most preferably a Mijikenda, appointed to the powerful position. KMA is the regulator, coordinator and overseer of all maritime affairs as spelt out in the Kenya Maritime and Shipping Act.
However, as things stand now, there is no Mijikenda in a senior position in KMA who could be recommended on meritocracy to climb the ladder to the position. Even the one appointed to hold the forte in an acting capacity pending the recruitment of a new chief executive is not from Coast region. This therefore means that someone from outside the parastatal has to be head-hunted if the Coast politicians will have their way.
Digore is a Digo from Kwale. He was a parliamentary candidate for the Matuga seat on a URP ticket and lost to Hassan Mwanyoha of ODM. He is under pressure from Coast MPs and residents to ensure the next DG is a coastal.
It is suspected he is the one who leaked the Karigithu letter addressed to the board asking for an extension to a section of employees to supposedly help him fight the war. Instructively, the Karigithus are well connected as from the Kibaki administration to the current government under Jubilee.
It was not immediately clear if Mombasa governor Hassan Joho is pushing someone to occupy the top lucrative position at KMA. The governor has been waging war against the national government for failing to devolve KMA, Kenya Ferry and Kenya Ports Authority in line with the new constitution which stipulates that harbours and ports will be managed by the respective county governments.
KMA board has subsequently placed advertisements calling for eligible candidates to apply for the coveted position. The board said the ideal candidate must have a Masters degree in a maritime field or its equivalent, besides other requirements including adhering to the provisions of Chapter Six of the constitution on leadership and integrity.
The advertisement of the position comes hot on the heels of mounting tension in the Mombasa-based state corporation following claims that the outgoing director-general had attempted to bulldoze the board led by Mwalimu Digore to have her contract extended.
Following the claims, a local human rights organisation has threatened to stage demonstrations if Karigithu’s tenure is to be extended covertly. The outgoing DG has held the position for nine years against the requirement that such positions be held for a maximum of two terms of three years each, totaling six years as stipulated.
According to sources, Karigithu had allegedly written to the board a few weeks earlier requesting for an extension. It is not, however, clear what reasons she gave to back her request. The contents of the letter allegedly leaked out to a section of employees who in turn passed the information to a human rights’ organisation spilled the beans. However, as tension escalated, the DG reportedly withdrew her letter.
Coast political leaders including chairman of the Coast Parliamentary Group Gideon Mung’aro are reportedly lobbying to have a coastal and most preferably a Mijikenda, appointed to the powerful position. KMA is the regulator, coordinator and overseer of all maritime affairs as spelt out in the Kenya Maritime and Shipping Act.
However, as things stand now, there is no Mijikenda in a senior position in KMA who could be recommended on meritocracy to climb the ladder to the position. Even the one appointed to hold the forte in an acting capacity pending the recruitment of a new chief executive is not from Coast region. This therefore means that someone from outside the parastatal has to be head-hunted if the Coast politicians will have their way.
Digore is a Digo from Kwale. He was a parliamentary candidate for the Matuga seat on a URP ticket and lost to Hassan Mwanyoha of ODM. He is under pressure from Coast MPs and residents to ensure the next DG is a coastal.
It is suspected he is the one who leaked the Karigithu letter addressed to the board asking for an extension to a section of employees to supposedly help him fight the war. Instructively, the Karigithus are well connected as from the Kibaki administration to the current government under Jubilee.
It was not immediately clear if Mombasa governor Hassan Joho is pushing someone to occupy the top lucrative position at KMA. The governor has been waging war against the national government for failing to devolve KMA, Kenya Ferry and Kenya Ports Authority in line with the new constitution which stipulates that harbours and ports will be managed by the respective county governments.
Race for successor of Muchai in Kabete kicks off
Lobbying and silent campaigns for the Kabete parliamentary seat by-election has begun in earnest. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission last week declared that the by-election be held on May 4 2015 following the brutal murder of former MP George Muchai.
Already, several politicians have declared interest in the seat. This is the second by-election to be held in Uhuru Kenyatta’s Kiambu political backyard. The first one was in Gatundu South following the death of MP Ngugi Nyumu.
Jubilee politicians and supporters are already sending warning signals that the nominations should be free and fair unlike the Gatundu nominations where candidates were forced to withdraw to support Moses Kuria who was eventually declared nominated unopposed.
Back to the Kabete by-election, analysts say it is a Jubilee zone and whoever will get the Jubilee Alliance Party ticket will definitely carry the day. Sources say that former MP Lewis Nguyai who was Uhuru’s witness in the ICC case is seen as a frontrunner.
His main undoing is that he defected from TNA after he was trounced by Muchai during the TNA nominations where Muchai garnered 7,642 votes against Nguyai’s 6,802 votes. After his defection, the two met again at the ballot where Muchai garnered 29,830 votes against Nguyai’s 16,669 votes.
Apart from Nguyai, other candidates who have shown interest and who lost in the 2013 elections are Charles Maina of Safina who got 141 votes, Gabriel Maina of Agano Party, 245, James Wanjohi of Pick, 7,436, Moses Wachaga who was an independent candidate,121, Newton Njenga of GNU, 378, Peter Mbugua of ODM,999, Samuel Maina of DPK,171, Stanley Kamau also an independent candidate, 130, and Thiru Karanja of Mzalendo Saba Saba party who garnered 1,313 votes.
What is not known is whether former Kabete MP Paul Muite who ran for the presidency in 2013 will go for the seat.
Should Muite downgrade his ambition from presidential to parliamentary, then the battle is likely to be between him and Nguyai.
The presidential results for Kabete constituency saw Uhuru with 54,233 votes, Ole Kiyiapi, 46, Martha Karua,129, Abduba Dida, 34, Musalia Mudavadi, 123, Paul Muite,51, Peter Kenneth,351 and Raila Odinga 2,547.
But even as the race to replace Muchai begins, it is now emerging that his killing probably had nothing to do with political, business rivalry or the happenings at Cotu but might have been a case of insecurity where the hitmen were carjackers. Already, the suspects who have appeared in court have claimed that they eliminated the late MP and his bodyguards on realisation that they were armed. One suspect gave the chronology of events that night that led to the discovery of the rifle used to murder Muchai and the pistol stolen from his bodyguards. His information also enabled the police to nab his accomplices.
Uhuru is said to be briefed on daily basis on matters relating to investigation by his Interior cabinet minister.
Already, several politicians have declared interest in the seat. This is the second by-election to be held in Uhuru Kenyatta’s Kiambu political backyard. The first one was in Gatundu South following the death of MP Ngugi Nyumu.
Jubilee politicians and supporters are already sending warning signals that the nominations should be free and fair unlike the Gatundu nominations where candidates were forced to withdraw to support Moses Kuria who was eventually declared nominated unopposed.
Back to the Kabete by-election, analysts say it is a Jubilee zone and whoever will get the Jubilee Alliance Party ticket will definitely carry the day. Sources say that former MP Lewis Nguyai who was Uhuru’s witness in the ICC case is seen as a frontrunner.
His main undoing is that he defected from TNA after he was trounced by Muchai during the TNA nominations where Muchai garnered 7,642 votes against Nguyai’s 6,802 votes. After his defection, the two met again at the ballot where Muchai garnered 29,830 votes against Nguyai’s 16,669 votes.
Apart from Nguyai, other candidates who have shown interest and who lost in the 2013 elections are Charles Maina of Safina who got 141 votes, Gabriel Maina of Agano Party, 245, James Wanjohi of Pick, 7,436, Moses Wachaga who was an independent candidate,121, Newton Njenga of GNU, 378, Peter Mbugua of ODM,999, Samuel Maina of DPK,171, Stanley Kamau also an independent candidate, 130, and Thiru Karanja of Mzalendo Saba Saba party who garnered 1,313 votes.
What is not known is whether former Kabete MP Paul Muite who ran for the presidency in 2013 will go for the seat.
Should Muite downgrade his ambition from presidential to parliamentary, then the battle is likely to be between him and Nguyai.
The presidential results for Kabete constituency saw Uhuru with 54,233 votes, Ole Kiyiapi, 46, Martha Karua,129, Abduba Dida, 34, Musalia Mudavadi, 123, Paul Muite,51, Peter Kenneth,351 and Raila Odinga 2,547.
But even as the race to replace Muchai begins, it is now emerging that his killing probably had nothing to do with political, business rivalry or the happenings at Cotu but might have been a case of insecurity where the hitmen were carjackers. Already, the suspects who have appeared in court have claimed that they eliminated the late MP and his bodyguards on realisation that they were armed. One suspect gave the chronology of events that night that led to the discovery of the rifle used to murder Muchai and the pistol stolen from his bodyguards. His information also enabled the police to nab his accomplices.
Uhuru is said to be briefed on daily basis on matters relating to investigation by his Interior cabinet minister.
Tax cartels ruin Kisumu county image
A money minting racket in which Kisumu county government loses a whopping Sh3 million daily through corrupt traffic and KRA officers working in cahoots with bus stage cartels has been exposed.
According to insiders at the governor’s office, the cartels are said to be leading a flashy life courtesy of untaxed revenue, a move that is understood to have contributed to the poor performance posted by the county government, which recently scored one percent in the World Bank rating.
The dirty money, according to our investigations, is collected by two well known ghost workers from the Kisumu county government operating under the alleged blessings of the troubled governor. The duo is said to be equally rich and well endowed financially given their position in the corruption mix-up. One Muga and Rashid Onda names pops up as they have not been affected by the usually frequent transfers and reshuffles.
Others controlling a catalogue of dubious businesses at the bus park stage go by the names of Jacksnee, Jacktone Ojuang aka Ponge, Daudi, Paulo and Kobi who are strongly also believed to be in a money laundering business for the cartel.
Apart from enjoying untaxed money, the group has also been accused by matatu owners of charging them illegal fees for one to be allowed to enter the Kisumu bus stage to drop and passengers.
“We are calling upon the government to intervene and rescue us from this group who have threatened to unleash terror on us whenever we fail to cooperate,’’ said one matatu owner who requested not to be named for fear of reprisals.
Further investigations revealed that the wealthy group that drive in luxurious vehicles prefer a downtown hotel from where they hand over the loot to the corrupt officers from KRA and the traffic police department.
According to insiders at the governor’s office, the cartels are said to be leading a flashy life courtesy of untaxed revenue, a move that is understood to have contributed to the poor performance posted by the county government, which recently scored one percent in the World Bank rating.
The dirty money, according to our investigations, is collected by two well known ghost workers from the Kisumu county government operating under the alleged blessings of the troubled governor. The duo is said to be equally rich and well endowed financially given their position in the corruption mix-up. One Muga and Rashid Onda names pops up as they have not been affected by the usually frequent transfers and reshuffles.
Others controlling a catalogue of dubious businesses at the bus park stage go by the names of Jacksnee, Jacktone Ojuang aka Ponge, Daudi, Paulo and Kobi who are strongly also believed to be in a money laundering business for the cartel.
Apart from enjoying untaxed money, the group has also been accused by matatu owners of charging them illegal fees for one to be allowed to enter the Kisumu bus stage to drop and passengers.
“We are calling upon the government to intervene and rescue us from this group who have threatened to unleash terror on us whenever we fail to cooperate,’’ said one matatu owner who requested not to be named for fear of reprisals.
Further investigations revealed that the wealthy group that drive in luxurious vehicles prefer a downtown hotel from where they hand over the loot to the corrupt officers from KRA and the traffic police department.
Eyes on Mudavadi as mega graft dogs Vihiga county
A report by ODM on leadership wrangles in Kisumu county has woken up the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission to carry out a facing-saving investigation of corruption in the county government. But this is a knee-jerk reaction by EACC because the malaise unearthed in Kisumu is not isolated.
During the migration period, almost all county executives, MCAs and workers embarked on trips that exhausted budgets before the next financial year set it. The benchmarking migration became a diplomatic embarrassment to the country with hordes of MCAs stuttering their way in Germany, Israel, Singapore, Uganda, South Africa and even South Sudan. The rip-off was a well-coordinated financial scam facilitated by the leadership of county executives and assemblies for purposes of bribing. It requires the EACC to investigate all counties that were involved in this kind of scams.
Other than the procurement fraud that has been institutionalised, it is clear there is a bigger rip-off in public funds on trips. They are meant as bribery to not only enrich MCAs but to also bribe them into overlooking theft.
A worse case scenario obtains in Vihiga county where everyone is on the take. County executives under Governor Moses Akaranga’s watch are trading in kickbacks for every contract awarded. The governor has acknowledged this fact after an outcry by contractors but has done nothing leading to speculation that he condones the malady. Rumours are awash that he allegedly gets a percentage of the kickbacks just like traffic police bosses do from their juniors on the road. Worse, his office is reeling under allegations of staff wrangling over lucrative contracts.
The Auditor General’s report speaks volumes about the corruption-infested zone that is Vihiga county. Executives bribe MCAs to withdraw motions or support suspect bills in the assembly at the behest of the powers that be. A case in point is when money exchanged hands to stop the removal of the county secretary last year. When the assembly voted to remove its leaders, the public service executive, a one Khajeri, was asked to give Sh1.6 million to the deposed UDF chief whip Chogo Abdallah to bribe MCAs.
Fortunately, sober heads prevailed against the idea and Chogo and his colleagues were dismissed. Those sacked include majority leader Ahuga Mwenesi, deputy Jackson Musoga and majority whip Chogo Abdalah and deputy Vincent Atsiaya.
Allegations are that Chogo had gone so rogue that he was the kingpin of an extortion cartel, earning the nickname of “negotiator” for bribes between the executive and MCAs. That he was sent packing is not just a relief to the governor but also to MCAs on whose behalf he allegedly received money but never delivered.
The silence of the UDF party is a pointer that it was displeased and sanctioned the removal of its leadership at the assembly where the party is the majority. In addition, Musalia Mudavadi’s private secretary Kibisu Kabatesi used his column in The People newspaper to launch a scathing attack on them. Kabatesi referred to a wider scheme to loot millions of public money under the guise of development funds for wards.
“In an unprecedented move, the Vihiga county assembly sacked all officials in one swoop last week. UDF and ODM, the majority and minority parties respectively replaced all their assembly leaders. The deposed leaders were accused of highhandedness, disrespect, sabotaging assembly bills for enrichment, financial impropriety, lack of personal integrity and corruption. The ousted officials, all of them elected, allegedly connived to kill assembly bills in return for millions in handouts. This can’t be idle talk,” Kabatesi asserted.
“Worse, the culprits were indicted for the surrender of Sh300 million from the current assembly budget to the executive. The scheme to reduce assembly budget is quite inspired; officially reduction would enable the county meet approval under the controller of budget ceilings. In reality, the plot is that the executive would re-channel the millions to MCAs in contracts awarded to MCAs choice contractors. Imaginatively, it would mean shoddy works and kickbacks through LPOs awarded for works not done,” wrote Kabatesi.
And in true fashion, there is a spectacle of shoddy roads construction whose procurement is only known to elected MCAs in Vihiga county even as Kabatesi had concluded that “Some fellows should go to jail. The Sh300 million contracts-for-support scandal must be scrapped and the public allowed to identify priority projects. And the new slate of assembly leaders must move fast and remove administrative elements that facilitate raids on public coffers beginning with the accounting officers,” he added.
The ODM report that reveals conflict of interest where MCAs award themselves contracts through briefcase companies or in return for kick-backs could as well have been about the case of Vihiga county. The Auditor General’s report shows that even in normal transitions of business, the county assembly breached rules and procedures when no approval meetings were held and fraudulent claims made about travel and attendance of seminars or conferences.
Lobby groups in Vihiga say the EACC, unless it is part of the scheme to protect the corrupt, must get to the bottom of the misuse of public resources in the bench-marking migration era. Impunity is marked by the rebuke by the clerk when reached for comment that “EACC cannot invite itself” to probe corruption. The EACC cannot claim lack of evidence because the report of the Auditor General reveals all. Another reason is that it cannot wait for county assemblies to discuss the Auditor General’s report because it is a report to be acted on.
In one such embarrassing incident, EACC was accused o being reluctant to enforce and order for a chief finance officer in Nairobi county to step aside after EACC officers had been bribed. In another, NSSF bribed EACC officers with houses not to investigate fraud in Tassia II land scam. When receiving surrendered grabbed public land in Mombasa, EACC received kickbacks to undervalue the land. With such an image where the hunter has gone rogue, Kenyans might as well hold their breath because EACC might return the usual verdict saying of lack of “hard evidence”.
During the migration period, almost all county executives, MCAs and workers embarked on trips that exhausted budgets before the next financial year set it. The benchmarking migration became a diplomatic embarrassment to the country with hordes of MCAs stuttering their way in Germany, Israel, Singapore, Uganda, South Africa and even South Sudan. The rip-off was a well-coordinated financial scam facilitated by the leadership of county executives and assemblies for purposes of bribing. It requires the EACC to investigate all counties that were involved in this kind of scams.
Other than the procurement fraud that has been institutionalised, it is clear there is a bigger rip-off in public funds on trips. They are meant as bribery to not only enrich MCAs but to also bribe them into overlooking theft.
A worse case scenario obtains in Vihiga county where everyone is on the take. County executives under Governor Moses Akaranga’s watch are trading in kickbacks for every contract awarded. The governor has acknowledged this fact after an outcry by contractors but has done nothing leading to speculation that he condones the malady. Rumours are awash that he allegedly gets a percentage of the kickbacks just like traffic police bosses do from their juniors on the road. Worse, his office is reeling under allegations of staff wrangling over lucrative contracts.
The Auditor General’s report speaks volumes about the corruption-infested zone that is Vihiga county. Executives bribe MCAs to withdraw motions or support suspect bills in the assembly at the behest of the powers that be. A case in point is when money exchanged hands to stop the removal of the county secretary last year. When the assembly voted to remove its leaders, the public service executive, a one Khajeri, was asked to give Sh1.6 million to the deposed UDF chief whip Chogo Abdallah to bribe MCAs.
Fortunately, sober heads prevailed against the idea and Chogo and his colleagues were dismissed. Those sacked include majority leader Ahuga Mwenesi, deputy Jackson Musoga and majority whip Chogo Abdalah and deputy Vincent Atsiaya.
Allegations are that Chogo had gone so rogue that he was the kingpin of an extortion cartel, earning the nickname of “negotiator” for bribes between the executive and MCAs. That he was sent packing is not just a relief to the governor but also to MCAs on whose behalf he allegedly received money but never delivered.
The silence of the UDF party is a pointer that it was displeased and sanctioned the removal of its leadership at the assembly where the party is the majority. In addition, Musalia Mudavadi’s private secretary Kibisu Kabatesi used his column in The People newspaper to launch a scathing attack on them. Kabatesi referred to a wider scheme to loot millions of public money under the guise of development funds for wards.
“In an unprecedented move, the Vihiga county assembly sacked all officials in one swoop last week. UDF and ODM, the majority and minority parties respectively replaced all their assembly leaders. The deposed leaders were accused of highhandedness, disrespect, sabotaging assembly bills for enrichment, financial impropriety, lack of personal integrity and corruption. The ousted officials, all of them elected, allegedly connived to kill assembly bills in return for millions in handouts. This can’t be idle talk,” Kabatesi asserted.
“Worse, the culprits were indicted for the surrender of Sh300 million from the current assembly budget to the executive. The scheme to reduce assembly budget is quite inspired; officially reduction would enable the county meet approval under the controller of budget ceilings. In reality, the plot is that the executive would re-channel the millions to MCAs in contracts awarded to MCAs choice contractors. Imaginatively, it would mean shoddy works and kickbacks through LPOs awarded for works not done,” wrote Kabatesi.
And in true fashion, there is a spectacle of shoddy roads construction whose procurement is only known to elected MCAs in Vihiga county even as Kabatesi had concluded that “Some fellows should go to jail. The Sh300 million contracts-for-support scandal must be scrapped and the public allowed to identify priority projects. And the new slate of assembly leaders must move fast and remove administrative elements that facilitate raids on public coffers beginning with the accounting officers,” he added.
The ODM report that reveals conflict of interest where MCAs award themselves contracts through briefcase companies or in return for kick-backs could as well have been about the case of Vihiga county. The Auditor General’s report shows that even in normal transitions of business, the county assembly breached rules and procedures when no approval meetings were held and fraudulent claims made about travel and attendance of seminars or conferences.
Lobby groups in Vihiga say the EACC, unless it is part of the scheme to protect the corrupt, must get to the bottom of the misuse of public resources in the bench-marking migration era. Impunity is marked by the rebuke by the clerk when reached for comment that “EACC cannot invite itself” to probe corruption. The EACC cannot claim lack of evidence because the report of the Auditor General reveals all. Another reason is that it cannot wait for county assemblies to discuss the Auditor General’s report because it is a report to be acted on.
In one such embarrassing incident, EACC was accused o being reluctant to enforce and order for a chief finance officer in Nairobi county to step aside after EACC officers had been bribed. In another, NSSF bribed EACC officers with houses not to investigate fraud in Tassia II land scam. When receiving surrendered grabbed public land in Mombasa, EACC received kickbacks to undervalue the land. With such an image where the hunter has gone rogue, Kenyans might as well hold their breath because EACC might return the usual verdict saying of lack of “hard evidence”.
Fresh face makes entry in Mombasa senator’s race
The battle for Mombasa senatorial seat is likely to go a notch higher in the next general elections following the entry of Mombasa businessman Farid Swaleh in the race.
Although Farid is yet to make an official declaration, his supporters are already criss crossing the county marketing him ahead of time. Farid’s supporters are capitalising on the alleged poor leadership of Senator Omar Hassan to introduce and market the transporter as an alternative candidate.
Omar is accused by his supporters, especially the youth, of abandoning them after being elected. They claim he is inaccessible and has not fulfilled his election pledges. During the campaigns, the senator is said to have told the youth that once they elect him, joblessness would be a thing of the past in the county.
The youth who had high hopes in the senator to initiate programmes towards job creation in the county are now a disgruntled lot. They lament that in spite of Omar being close to Governor Hassan Joho, he has not achieved much for them.
It is against this background that Farid has managed to penetrate several constituencies and is building support bases among the youth, women groups and the disabled.
Farid, the TNA Coast region coordinator and managing director of Royal Hisham Transport Limited is an influential political operative in the port city. He began his political career by teaming up with the late Kijana Wamalwa. He campaigned for the re-election of Mwai Kibaki.
During the late Wamalwa’s tenure as vice president, the businessman was nicknamed Farid Wamalwa due to his then closeness to the late vice president. He acted as the VP’s personal assistant and was instrumental in introducing Wamalwa to top Mombasa business people.
After the exit of Kibaki, he was approached to campaign for Uhuru Kenyatta. He was appointed Coast region TNA coordinator. After the elections, it was expected Farid would join parliament as a nominated MP. However, this was not to be and the millions of shillings he invested in Jubilee campaigns seemingly have gone up in smoke.
It is said, Farid’s supporters seeing how he had assisted politicians from the Kibaki era upto now but who have not shown any gratitude by appointing him or nominating him to high office now want him to contest for a political seat in Mombasa.
“This boy has suffered in the hands of greedy politicians. We love him because he has assisted many people. We now want him to contest for Mombasa senatorial seat and we will show him how much we love him,” said Mohammed Omar, a resident of Kibokoni.
Although Farid is yet to make an official declaration, his supporters are already criss crossing the county marketing him ahead of time. Farid’s supporters are capitalising on the alleged poor leadership of Senator Omar Hassan to introduce and market the transporter as an alternative candidate.
Omar is accused by his supporters, especially the youth, of abandoning them after being elected. They claim he is inaccessible and has not fulfilled his election pledges. During the campaigns, the senator is said to have told the youth that once they elect him, joblessness would be a thing of the past in the county.
The youth who had high hopes in the senator to initiate programmes towards job creation in the county are now a disgruntled lot. They lament that in spite of Omar being close to Governor Hassan Joho, he has not achieved much for them.
It is against this background that Farid has managed to penetrate several constituencies and is building support bases among the youth, women groups and the disabled.
Farid, the TNA Coast region coordinator and managing director of Royal Hisham Transport Limited is an influential political operative in the port city. He began his political career by teaming up with the late Kijana Wamalwa. He campaigned for the re-election of Mwai Kibaki.
During the late Wamalwa’s tenure as vice president, the businessman was nicknamed Farid Wamalwa due to his then closeness to the late vice president. He acted as the VP’s personal assistant and was instrumental in introducing Wamalwa to top Mombasa business people.
After the exit of Kibaki, he was approached to campaign for Uhuru Kenyatta. He was appointed Coast region TNA coordinator. After the elections, it was expected Farid would join parliament as a nominated MP. However, this was not to be and the millions of shillings he invested in Jubilee campaigns seemingly have gone up in smoke.
It is said, Farid’s supporters seeing how he had assisted politicians from the Kibaki era upto now but who have not shown any gratitude by appointing him or nominating him to high office now want him to contest for a political seat in Mombasa.
“This boy has suffered in the hands of greedy politicians. We love him because he has assisted many people. We now want him to contest for Mombasa senatorial seat and we will show him how much we love him,” said Mohammed Omar, a resident of Kibokoni.
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