Implicating
Raila has left many analysts coming up with different theories.
It
all began at State House, Nairobi, in the first scene when President Uhuru
Kenyatta fired the first salvo during a live TV broadcast hours after the
bloody Mpeketoni attack saying the raid was politically instigated through
local political networks. Although he did not name names, the blame seemed to
have been directed at Cord and its leadership under the tutelage of Raila.
Scene two of the unfolding blame games on the
deteriorating security saw state intelligence and spy agencies through the
Internal Security cabinet secretary Joseph Ole Lenku at it again and this time,
he named ODM and Cord leaders as the sponsors of terror groups in the country.
At one time, he accused Cord of using the dreaded Mungiki adherents to cause
mayhem at the coast.
Deputy
president Wiliam Ruto has also linked the attacks and insecurity to ODM.
But
the big question now is whether Raila and by extension Cord, operate a private
army. Sources say there is a feeling within government circles that Raila could
be having ties with criminal elements who have been unleashing terror on
Kenyans.
On
Its part, the opposition has denied the claims and dismissed them as propaganda
to divert Kenyans from the burning security issue, corruption and bad
governance.
That
panic and fear have gripped the establishment and it is out to do all at its
disposal to control the escalating insecurity being linked to Raila is no
secret. Last week, MPs shot down a motion that if passed could have allowed the
National Intelligence Service to hack into phone calls, Sms and e-mails without
having to seek approval of the court. Sources say it was part of the state’s
calculation to monitor closely Cord leaders’ communications and to ascertain if
indeed they are behind the attacks as intelligence reports had claimed.
The
government, according to sources, has come out in full force to ensure Cord
does not destabilise the Jubilee administration and it is against this
background that Cord leaders have now been put on 24-hour surveillance.
The
fear and suspicion within the government security apparatus is that Raila could
be having a complete intelligence gathering unit is as a result of his former
position as prime minister. The fear is that when he was a co-principal in the
coalition government with President Mwai Kibaki, he used to have intelligence
briefings on a daily basis.
To
show how the government is not taking lightly the security threats, of late President
Uhuru Kenyatta has beefed up his security detail including using bombproof
cars. His deputy William Ruto’s security has also been beefed up as well as
that of top government officials in sensitive positions like Internal Security
and his principal secretary.
According
to sources, there is fear that Raila could still be getting state briefings
from intelligence officers who are loyal to ODM and Cord and that he could be
accessing sensitive information which he then uses to take Jubilee head on
during public rallies. During a Cord rally at Tononoka in Mombasa, two members
of the armed forces found themselves in trouble for attending the meeting.
They
were spotted by members of the dreaded military intelligence who were assigned
to give briefs on the events. That military intelligence is being used to
monitor the opposition shows how serious the government is on the opposition
plans. In his book, The Enigma, Raila says soldiers who were to later stage a
coup in 1982 used football game halftime breaks to spread his word. In the
middle of the pitch, soldiers had no fear at all that they were being listened
to.
They
would also compare notes as they played. This, as spectators were meant to
believe it was an innocent game of soccer. The coup was however mercilessly
crushed after the soldiers instead of minding the business at hand that of
overthrowing Moi, entered bars and drunk silly. Raila himself had to flee
dressed as a Legio Maria bishop to Uganda. Although in the book he says he
fooled the police with the dress, sources close to intelligence at the time say
that they were fully aware it was Raila in disguise and even asked Moi whether
they could blow the boat Raila was fleeing in Lake Victoria on to which Moi
after entering a private room came back and told them to let Raila flee so that
he can live to see others become president.
Old
habits, they say, never die. Could the ageing horse be up to new tricks?
Just
recently, security agencies were shocked when Raila, Kalonzo Musyoka and Moses
Wetang’ula displayed a letter that was supposedly written by the chief of staff
and head of public service Joseph Kinyua seeking advisory opinion on possible
arrest of Raila and Cord leaders, and the possibility of them being charged
with treason.
How
this supposed sensitive and confidential letter landed into the hands of Cord
leaders remains a mystery. Some have concluded that Raila has infiltrated the
spy and security agencies who feed him with
crucial information.
Another
worry is that Kalonzo could also be having people loyal to him within the state
security and spy agency. Just like Raila, during his tenure as VP, he also used
to get state briefings on a daily basis and it is feared that he could also be
accessing sensitive information.
Cord
has been claiming members of the armed forces from communities that are
perceived to be Cord are being targeted. Cases of opposition having private
armies are not a new phenomenon in Africa. In South Africa, the ANC had a
private army (Umkhonto we Sizwe), spear of the nation, which helped the country
gain independence and was retained even after ANC won the elections.
Sources
say that Raila enjoys cordial relationship with South Africa and its feared he
must have borrowed a leaf from them over having a private army and a parallel
intelligence agency.
Raila
is a well known ally of South African business tycoon Cyril Ramaphosa who is
ANC second in command and seen as South Africa’s next president. Sources say
Raila received great financial backing from him during the 2007 and 2013
elections. He is the man set to succeed Jacob zuma.
It has also been whispered that he was the man
behind the private jet Raila bought from South Africa. What is not known
however, is whether he contributed and how much if he did. During the
post-election violence of 2007, Ramaphosa was rejected by the Kibaki side of
being a Raila sympathiser.
To
show how close Raila and Ramaphosa are, after losing the 2013 presidential
elections, Raila, Kalonzo and Wetang’ula were hosted by Ramaphosa the same day
Uhuru and Ruto were being sworn in office. The Raila-Ramaphosa link is also
being monitored to detect any involvement in recent killings in Kenya.
Cord
on the other hand has dismissed any links with the terror group Al-Shabaab
saying the government is relying on propaganda information to intimidate the
opposition.
Last
week, Jubilee majority leader in parliament Aden Duale made a sensational claim
that Cord and al-Shabaab were reading from the same script. The statement
caused ripples as Jubilee and Cord members engaged in verbal exchanges which at
some point degenerated into insults in parliament.
But
even as Jubilee closely monitors Cord leaders’ daily movement and with Raila
and Kalonzo complaining that their phones are being tapped, Cord has dismissed
claims that they are planning to destabilise the Uhuru government and blames it
on hearsay and high level propaganda.
Cord
leadership and more so, Coast leaders, are now blaming the Mombasa county
commissioner Nelson Marwa as being used by the government to intimidate and
paint Cord supporters and its leaders negatively.
Last
week, he linked the recent Likoni gun attack that killed four people to ODM.
According to Marwa, ODM operatives in Mombasa are sponsoring youth in Likoni
and other places to cause chaos and mayhem so that the blame can go to the
government.
Cord
has however, in many occasions, dared the state security agencies to arrest
them and charge them if they have evidence but Marwa has failed to specify who
in particular among the Cord leaders was giving up to Sh3,000 to youth to cause
mayhem. He instead stated that they have narrowed down the search to two
powerful individuals in Mombasa county. According to Marwa, ODM has been
inciting people on matters of land and referendum to turn citizens against the
government.
Last
week, Ole Lenku claimed that ODM has been duping its supporters to sign the
referendum form promising them that they will be allocated land. ODM has
however termed it as cheap propaganda saying that the allegations are not new,
but are a show of lack of awareness by the county commissioner.
“The
outburst by the so-called county commissioner in Mombasa Marwa associating the
Orange Democratic Movement with
terrorism is nothing new. It falls within the pattern of innuendo, slander and
disinformation about the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy that Jubilee has
engaged in consistently to divert attention from their incompetence in dealing
with insecurity in the country,” Anyang’ Nyongo said. He added that Kenyans
will not be fooled by “this ill-intentioned baboonery”.
When
Marwa said that they are investigating two senior politicians from the region,
fingers were being pointed at Mombasa Governor Hassan Joho and Mombasa Senator
Hassan Omar. Jubilee leaders have not forgiven Joho for being disrespectful to
President Uhuru. This is in reference to an alleged speech in which Joho called
the president ‘small person’ during iftar dinner hosted for Raila in Mombasa
last week just as he did to Marwa.
Joho
is reported to have said that he is not threatened by the county commissioner
Nelson Marwa who is ‘a small person’ and even his employer is ‘a very small
person’. Joho did not, however, name President Uhuru Kenyatta as that small
person but many have claimed his statement was directed at Uhuru.
Those
who say there is a serious security threat cite Uhuru’s new security measures.
During the June 1 2014 Madaraka Day celebrations, Uhuru made his way into
the Nyayo Stadium not on the customary ceremonial Land Rover but a Toyota Land
Cruiser with bullet proof glass shielding. Part of his convoy was an armoured Reconnaissance
Command Vehicle.
The
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The
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with Level 2 ballistic and Level 2a/b mine protection. It also has a deflecting
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RCV
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kits providing Level 3 protection against bombardment and Level 2a/2b against
mines and IEDs.
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I 4×4 Basic and Survivor I 4×4 Light.
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Its
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outfitted not only for communication equipment and other auxiliary systems, but
also for a remote-control weapon station on the roof.
