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Citizen Weekly

Sunday 26 April 2015


Attempts by President Uhuru Kenyatta to reconcile the family of retired President Daniel arap Moi and that of the Deputy President William Ruto has finally hit a dead end, we can authoritatively revel this week.
Uhuru and his political handlers have been lately concerned over the political tension in the Rift Valley region which has heightened with the recent announcement by Kanu that it will sponsor Gideon Moi, the Baringo Senator, to run for the top seat in 2017.
The fear within the Uhuru camp is that should Kanu clear Gideon to run against Uhuru in 2017, then even with Ruto as Uhuru’s running mate, the Kalenjin votes will be divided and this will be to the advantage of Cord.
Another concern for Uhuru is that there are so many sideshows on the political front in Rift Valley and the deep politics development that is unfolding behind the scenes but which has far-reaching implications for Uhuru’s presidential bid in 2017.
Even though analysts say that Ruto is not bothered with Gideon’s attempts to wrestle the Kalenjin control from him, the larger Jubilee family is the most worried lot since without a block Kalenjin vote, Uhuru is likely to be a one-term president.
It is against such fears that Uhuru had reached out for the older Moi to broker a deal that would see Gideon go slow on Ruto and to have the region leaders united ahead of 2017 elections. We have however discovered that Uhuru’s attempts to reconcile the two families had hit a concrete wall.
Analysts now claim that it was after the failed attempts that Uhuru has of late been tactically visiting Rift Valley especially in the company of his
deputy. Early in the month, Uhuru did not attend the Nandi County Investment Forum with only Ruto attended the highly publicized function held at Kapsabet town.
Uhuru also cancelled at the eleventh hour his planned trip to Eldoret where he was to attend the ASK show in Eldoret. It later emerged that Uhuru was not able to attend the two events because it was not in his diary.
It has been whispered that Uhuru cancelled a tour to Eldoret town on after he received intelligence reports that farmers and some local leaders had planned to confront him with demands on the maize crisis. He was to open the Eldoret ASK national show and attend other activities for the Uasin Gishu county government, but the plan was cancelled under unclear circumstances.
Sources say Uhuru Uhuru and Moi had held close to five meeting in the absence of Ruto with only Ruto attending one meeting at State House while the rest of the meetings have either been held at Mois’ Kabarak home or at his Kabarnet Gardens home in Nairobi.
Uhuru’s failure to reconcile the two families has got to do with two factors. One, Moi has never forgiven Ruto for taking away the Kalenjins from Kanu to ODM during the 2007 elections in which three of his sons including Gideon lost in various parliamentary elections.
Moi believes Ruto who is his political student and who owes his political standing to Moi stole the mandate as Kalenjin leader in 2007 and remarks he made against Moi in the run-up to the then hotly contested elections have never been forgotten.
Even when Uhuru teamed up with Ruto in 2013, Moi had attempted to have Uhuru run on Kanu ticket with Gideon as running mate but Uhuru handlers did not want to hear anything to do with Kanu.
Analysts say that as much as Uhuru is trying to reconcile the two families, it is unachievable since the elder Moi has never handed him the leadership mantle of the Kalenjin and does not even want to meet him hence the reason why he has been conspicuously missing during Uhuru-Moi meetings.
Before the dust could settle after the failed reconciliation, Bomet governor Isaac Ruto also declared that he was ready to team up with Gideon to teach Ruto a lesson in 2017.
The announcement caught the DP wrong-footed and while in Kapkatet, he issued an onslaught saying that Kalenjin politicians not singing his tune will be kicked out in the next election. But Ruto and Gideon in a quick rejoinder laughed off the warning and promised him a political battle of his lifetime in 2017.
Both Ruto and Gideon have time and again accused the DP funding their political rivals, who include MPs and a number of Ward Representatives, to destabilise them politically.
Uhuru strategists are however aware of new political realignments in the offing in Rift Valley ahead of the 2017 election, with Kanu-URP rebels rolling out strategies to take control of the vote-rich region.
Trouble for Uhuru now and the reason behind his many attempts to reconcile the Moi-Ruto families is to avoid a situation whereby Kanu sponsors Gideon as its presidential flagbearer against him.
Another reason why Uhuru has taken up the responsibility of bringing the Moi family on board is the future of the Ruto case at the ICC. Uhuru informers believe that should Ruto be jailed and with Gideon leading a strong Kanu, the Kalenjin votes could be as well gone since the Kalenjins would not be comfortable voting with Jubilee in the absence of Ruto.
It is also important to take note that although Kanu did not contest the presidency in 2013, the party still enjoys reasonable following in Rift Valley and this is something Uhuru and Ruto cannot ignore.
During the last general elections, despite the URP wave, Kanu won 6 parliamentary seats in Rift Valley and two senatorial. Despite campaigns by Ruto against Gideon in Baringo county senatorial race, Gideon managed 124,425 votes against Ruto’s man Jackson koskei who flew the URP flag and garnered 23,591 votes while ODM’s candidate Edward Kateiya got a paltry 8,462 votes.
Baringo County a Kanu stronghold in the 2013 General Election, with Gideon winning the Senate seat despite vigorous campaigns by Ruto and Uhuru who pitched camp in Baringo County twice in the run-up to the polls.
But what is giving Uhuru sleepless nights is the uncertainty over the outcome of the ICC case facing Ruto and the merger of URP and TNA to form JAP which has triggering discontent among some members of the Kalenjin community and Rift Valley voters at large.
Whereas Ruto has laughed off Gideon’s entry into presidential race, Uhuru and his handlers know what damage Gideon’s entry into the race can do to Uhuru’s 2017 bid.
As Uhuru works overtime to bring the Moi family on board, Ruto is said to be busy plotting on how to clip Ruto’s political wings in Rift Valley also specifically in Baringo County where Gideon literally controls. AT one time, Ruto was quoted saying “You must accept to be led,
even if your father led the country for 24 years. Stop dividing the
Investigations now reeval that the battle lines have also been extended to Baringo County where URP is allegedly grooming former East Africa Co-operation Minister Musa Sirma to out-seat the Gideon as senator in 2017 he withdraws from presidential race to defend his senatorial seat.
Gideon is also said to be plotting on how his strong men will take on Ruto’s allies in Baringo. He is said to be grooming the suspended Assembly Speaker William Kamket to take on the URP MP Asman Kamama. Kamket vied unsuccessfully for the Tiaty parliamentary seat on a Kanu ticket but lost to URP’s Asman Kamama.
Another concern of Uhuru and by extension other top Kalenjin politicians and professionals is whether Ruto can succeed Uhuru in 2022 without Moi’s blessings.
A story is told that after the Ravine Declaration of 2006 where Ruto declared his candidature for presidency he and his entourage drove to Moi’s Kabarak home to seek blessings. It is alleged that Moi didn’t open the gate for them for he knew Ruto was not up to the task. Todate Moi has never changed his mind.
Last week, Moi has dismissed reports alleging he met with Uhuru and Ruto at State House Nairobi. This happened at a time when Ruto claimed that his political rivals led by Gideon and Ruto were rejoicing about his ICC tribulations.
Those who have been following the Kalenjin politics as they unfold will agree that Gideon has identified Ruto’s weaknesses in government and has been using them to attack the DP during his countrywide meet-the-people tours on the DP’s home turf.
The issues include claims that the DP has been reluctant to bring pressure to bear for better pricing of maize in the North Rift and tea prices in the South Rift, as well as his lack of steam to push for a whole raft of pre-election campaign pledges to the region.
It is now said that for Uhuru to reconcile the two families, he must also reach out to individuals from within the Baringo County. Names that are being flouted that could see the deal brokered successfully includes those of Benjamin Cheboi (Baringo governor), Joshua Kulei (former President Moi’s private secretary), Daniel Kibelion who is a prominent businessman and the proprietor of the Kibelion Hotel in Emining a popular tourist destination and Asman Kamama (MP for Tiaty).
Others are Moses Lessonet (Eldama Ravine), William Cheptumo (Baringo North), Prof Hellen Sambili, Sammy Mwaita (Baringo Central), Grace Kiptui (Baringo County Women’s Representative), Grace Kipchoim (Baringo South), Musa Sirma, Leut Gen Joseph Kasaon, Rtd Gen Daudi Tonje, Phyllis Kandie (Cabinet Secretary for East African Affairs, Commerce and Tourism), Amb Lucy Chelimo, Prof James Tuitoek, Alicen Chelaite, Eric Kotut who is the former Central Bank governor and is one of the key businessmen in Baringo who has invested heavily in the flower sector and Dr. Edward Sambili.
But even Uhuru seems to be willing to work with Ruto and his allies in 2017 and even beyond, Ruto allies are not comfortable with Uhuru’s close links with Gideon and the Moi family. Uhuru’s strageists are said to have advised him to groom Gideon should the ICC jail Ruto or should Ruto decide to run against him in 2017.
To show how close Uhuru and Gideon are and to begin with, the Mois and the Kenyattas have a long history and an interesting future that is already unfolding in the ongoing power struggle.
Gideon has accompanied Uhuru to Sudan and AU summits in Ethiopia as well as to the billionaire playgrounds of Dubai to watch the elitist Formula One motor racing sport. Uhuru accompanied Gideon to the famous Kimalel goat auction where Ruto’s absence was conspicous.
Eyebrows shot up throughout the diplomatic community in June 2014, when the United Nations Environment Assembly opened its Segment Summit and Gideon was given the official protocol duties of escorting Prince Albert II of Monaco, who attended the world environmental body’s four-day conference in Nairobi.
It was not lost on observers that Gideon escorted Albert II even to social functions and on his outings from the business of the summit. Like Albert II, Gideon is a polo enthusiast.
This unique protocol duty at Uhuru’s request underscored those meetings that the head of state has had with both Gideon and Mzee Moi at the latter’s Kabarnet Gardens residence and elsewhere.
It was also no surprise that it was Gideon himself who recommended Uhuru for the award of the honourary Doctor of Leadership degree at Kabarak University’s 10th graduation ceremony.


If Kenyans thought they had seen all in the on-going civil war at the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission, they should wait for the start of sittings of the tribunal formed to hear the charges against suspended EACC chairman Mumo Matemu and his deputy Irene Keino. According to high level sources, bombshells will be dropped in the tribunal chaired by retired Justice Jonathan B Havelock as Matemu and Keino bare the naked happenings at State House, EACC, parliamentary legal committee and a cartel of lawyers engaged in dirty deals.
Already, confidential documents have started flying left, right and centre heightening fear that the tribunal which will be held in public may end up embarrassing the head of state.
For starters, it is said that a member of the parliamentary justice and legal committee that prescribed formation of the tribunal will tell the tribunal that the committee chairman was bribed with Sh50 million to alter its recommendations. The committee’s final word was that the petition lacked merit and the allegations made do not disclose grounds for removal under article 251(a) of the constitution. Two, the commission on justice is still undertaking investigations on commissioners.
That things are not what they seem on face value is illustrated by an incident at the State Law Offices where two EACC commissioners were threatened with a gun forcing one of them to flee to exile for fear of her life.
It has emerged that when leader of majority in parliament Adan Duale discovered the report was to be shot down after interfering with the earlier one, he called State House and summoned Jubilee MPs to be on the floor after Speaker Justin Muturi deferred the matter for 15 minutes.
Events that unfolded last week at the national assembly exposed internal wars which have been going on at EACC for the last one year. The war has been between commissioners and the secretariat.
Those in the know say that it has to do with who should call shots at the EACC Integrity Centre in handling sensitive corruption files with suspects involved parting with millions of shillings. In short, EACC has been turned into a money minting institution with powerful forces with State House connections being brought on board by a well-heeled cartel.
It was the EACC CEO Halakhe Waqo who first acted against his bosses by forwarding the now famous list of shame to Uhuru Kenyatta. Halakhe is said to have the backing of Duale, Uhuru’s legal adviser Abdikadir Mohammed and Solicitor General Njee Muturi among other big names. They have also suspended vice-chief executive officer Michael Mubea. Mubea was first suspended by Matemu but Waqo came to his rescue only to back off days later and have Waqo sent home when Waqo realised Matemu’s days at Integrity were numbered.
Informed sources say the initial target was Matemu and Waqo and Mubea had Keino and commissioner Jane Onsongo write a petition to State House fixing the chairman.
Matemu suspended Mubea on March 10 2015 but on March 11 2015, a petition to State House for the removal of the chair dated September 92014 surfaces. Manoah Esipisu, the head of the president’s communications called a press conference and ostensibly sought to set the record straight as to why it took over six months for the president to act on the petition which raised eyebrows.
On March 12 2015, a petition was filed in parliament to remove Matemu and Keino. Before that, Keino and Onsongo were summoned to the office of the Solicitor General and prevailed upon to resign with promise of plum appointments in government. Osongo gives in while Keino stays put. The petitioner is lawyer George Oriaro.
On March 16 2015, speaker Justin Muturi reads out the petition in parliament and gives the parliamentary legal and justice committee 14 days to consider and make recommendations to the house.
It is said in some quarters that last week’s parliamentary committee on justice and legal affairs resolution advising Uhuru to set up a tribunal to investigate the conduct of Matemu and Keino is a culmination of a plan by individuals to force the two out of office to cripple on-going investigations on corruption cases touching on the high and the mighty.
But the big question is who exactly wants Matemu and Keino out of office. The game plan involves a number of players who are out to protect their interests using the petitioner lawyer Oriaro. Who is Oriaro? One may ask. He is an employee at Adan and Wetang’ula law firm. Moses Wetang’ula, the Bungoma senator has since quit the law firm.
Ahmed Adan is the owner of Integrity Centre, EACC headquarters. A controversy surrounds how he acquired the building from Deposit Protection Fund. Mubea used to work at the law firm before joining EACC.
For months, EACC has been out to trace and recover investments lost through Trust Bank now under receivership in the name Revack Limited. One such asset is the Integrity Centre. It has been discovered that the ownership of Integrity Centre is the cause of the circus being witnessed at EACC.
 A memo dated February 27 2015 signed by an investigating officer Kipsang Sambai and addressed to Matemu titled: Tracing and recovery of deposit funds lost through Trust Bank Ltd - (Revack Ltd) reads in part; “Revack Ltd was purportedly incorporated on May 25 1995 by the firm of Esmail and Esmail Advocates whose directors as well as subscribers were Akber Abdullah Kassam Esmail and his mother, Shirin Esmail, holding trust for undisclosed client”.
The memo reveals that during negotiations for the purchase of Trade Bank Centre, Revack Ltd owners partnered with one of the executive directors of Trust Bank Ltd, Ajay Shah, to purchase the same as equal partners. It is worth noting that Kipsang had raised a complaint which dates to back to May 2014 when the director-investigations asked him to cease investigating the matter until further notice. “The CEO called me to his office and showed me a complaint letter against me from Kipkenda and Company Advocates. It was complaining against me for carrying out arbitrary investigations outside the mandate of EACC”.
Kipsang stood his ground and told Waqo that the case was officially allocated to him and was registered as EACC/AT/INQ/10/2013. Sources say when he showed the CEO the possible forgeries represented by the indication of the stated directors of Revack Ltd in the Integrity Centre property transfer, he asked Kipsang to surrender all the documents to Abdi, the director of investigations.
EACC in a letter dated October 3 2013 addressed to the Director Deposit Protection Fund Board (Ref:EACC.6/2/2 VOL.II (27) requested for information and documents. “In particular, the Commission requires information and documents regarding though not limited to the following transactions, all documents and information regarding the directors of Trust Capital Service and those of Trust Bank Ltd, Revack Ltd, Samvir Trustees Ltd, Trust Finance Ltd and Akber Esmail and Company Advocates Ltd.
Surprisingly, Deposit Protection Fund Board in a letter dated February 14 2014 addressed to CEO EACC and signed by its director Rose Detho in the matter of Revack Ltd and Trust Finance Ltd and Trust Bank Ltd over the transfer of 2,500 shares. The letter reads: “In the foregoing, this matter now stands resolved and we, therefore, request you to close your file”.
One month later, EACC’s Abdi Mohammed wrote to Deposit Protection Fund Board (EACC.6/2/2 VOL.II966). “We request for the original facility advanced, interest accrued over the debt at the time of settlement, market value of the security property at the time of settlement and the board meeting that sectioned the settlement of the debt”.
On April 4 2014, Margaret Wangu of the State Law office in a letter addressed to EACC (EACC.6/2/2 VOL II (68) reveals the ownership of Tegus Ltd which was registered on March 13 2013 registration No CPR/2013/96498 with the directors and shareholders listed as Watuwatu Ltd, Sunnex Enterprises, Rachel Wanjugu Muthui and Anish Doshi. The directors of Watuwatu Ltd are listed as Ahmed Adan and Asma Ahmed Adan.
It has emerged through Mubea that Adan acquired the building and have been earning part of the rent EACC has been paying. Rent per month is Sh3.5 million. Mubea’s suspension was related to the ownership row as it emerged  that he was involved in the selling of the building.
Sucked in the ownership saga is DPF director Detho. On February 14 2014, she wrote to Halakhe on grounds he had surrendered its shares. On receiving the letter, Waqo wrote: “Take note and close the matter”. As things stand now, Halakhe Waqo, Mubea, Rose Detho colluded on the ownership of the Integrity Centre. Their aim is to sell it to EACC to the tune of Sh2 billion.
There are whispers all over that it is not petitioner Oriaro who was involved in the removal but powerful corrupt individuals.
Although the parliamentary justice and legal affairs committee claims that the future of the commission is bleak and the fight against corruption will satll unless Matemu and Keino are kicked out, investigations reveal that there is more than meets the eye. It is coming when EACC is deep fighting corruption cases especially on suspended cabinet secretaries and permanent secretaries among other civil servants.

One big unanswered question is; whose interest is the committee’s chairman Samuel Chepkonga serving? It is said that after his committee received the petition from Oriaro, indications were that the petition did not meet the threshold to have a tribunal set to investigate Matemu and Keino. Talk is rife in and out of the corridors of power that Matemu had several issues even before he was appointed to head EACC and the president privately had his misgivings on Matemu’s commitment to battle graft.
Sources further divulged that during the many committee meetings, until the very last meeting, both Jubilee and Cord MPs in the committee had agreed that the petition be thrown out but it was during the final day that Chepkonga and his Jubilee team changed their mind to support the petition urging Uhuru to set up a tribunal.
It is emerging that the change of mind came as a result of a meeting Chepkonga attended at the State Law Office where although the agenda and details of the said meeting remain scanty, sources say Matemu, Keino ouster was the main agenda.
Who summoned Chepkonga to the meeting at State Law Office? It is suspected that Chepkonga was summoned by SG Njee and Uhuru's adviser Abdikadir. It was Onsongo and Keino who revealed that they had been cowed to resign from office and promised ambassadorial jobs by State officials.
The two had been summoned to the State Law Office and asked to resign. Onsongo also revealed that she was promised a job as deputy ambassador in the US or Germany. After Onsongo’s resignation, we have gathered information that Keino was also summoned to the State Law Office where she was told that Onsongo had agreed to resign and she was also told to resign and be given a new job as deputy ambassador in Brazil which she declined.
What is worrying many is that it was after the two meetings at State Law Office that Chepkonga changed mind and informed his Jubilee counterparts in the committee that Keino and Matemu had to be kicked out. This was after it was discovered that Keino was allegedly secretly interfering with investigations of high profile cases and that what Abdikadir and Chepkonga wanted was a balancing act for United Republican  Party not to feel that Keino was kicked out and was instead being offered a soft landing with diplomatic posting to appease Rift Valley.
Sources say that some top government officials are not happy with EACC investigating high voltage cases such as the procurement of the Biometric Voter Registration Kits by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, procurement of tenders at the National Social Security Fund, Kenya Power Company, Geothermal Development Corporation and Kenya Pipeline Corporation.
The matter has now taken a political angle with Cord standing with Matemu and Keino while Chepkonga and his allies are pushing for their removal. If Chepkonga and his godfathers succeed in sending home Keino, it will be the beginning of the end of Deputy President William Ruto in Rift Valley. With Davis Chirchir, Felix Koskey, Marianne Keitany and former Inspector General of Police David Kimaiyo, will Rift Valley leaders ever trust DP William Ruto again? Sources say that Chirchir had made many enemies and Rift Valley wheeler dealers have been secretly celebrating that he was kicked out and even wish that he is arraigned in court and dismissed from the cabinet.
We have also established that a meeting at State House finally sealed the fate of Matemu and Keino. Sources say the State House meeting was attended by Chepkonga, Ruto, Njee and Abdikadir. Later, Abdikadir was blamed for not giving Uhuru the correct information on why the EACC top two had to be shown the door.
Unconfirmed sources say Abdikadir is a marked man and all eyes are now set on him with allegations that he has been giving Uhuru and Ruto half-baked and unsound advice something that has led Uhuru to make unpopular and illegal decisions.
Already, some Uhuru aides are contemplating kicking Abdikadir out saying he is a liability to the president and that he has not been helping him make the right decisions with major declarations by Uhuru having been reversed or challenged in court which they say embarrasses the president.
It is suspected that there is a serious power struggle among the president’s legal advisers with Abdikadir and Njee currently feeling the heat for giving Uhuru false information, as they serve their interests.
Abdikadir is said to have been behind the president’s announcement asking police recruits to defy a court case challenging their recruitment. The was later reversed after what State House said were consultations involving the president and other key players on the matter.
Njee has been an aide of Uhuru for many years. He and Abdikadir are said to be eyeing the Attorney General’s position. The trio has made life hard for AG Githu Mungai whose advice, sources say, has been ignored as Uhuru aides prefer advice from Njee.
It is the same clique that allegedly misled Uhuru in the appointments of John Mututho, Aduba Dida and Chris Okemo that were later revoked. Mututho's appointment had to be revoked and taken back through the national assembly before he was reappointed by the president.
Investigations further reveal that Matemu, Keino woes could be linked to the illegal sale of Integrity Centre. What are the links of Njee and Abdikadir on the Integrity Centre saga and the suspension of Mubea for 90 days pending investigations into his conduct?
It is said that Mubea was suspended after he was alleged to have concealed information on the acquisition of Integrity Centre. Sources say the house was sold under complex and potentially scandalous series of transactions.
Mubea is said to have been deeply involved in the deal and concealed some useful information for personal interest. He is said to have information on how the building moved from being public property, which should have been sold to pay off depositors defrauded by a collapsed bank, into the private property of shadowy companies. It is suspected the sale of the building has been one of the sources of a leadership row at the commission.
According to well-placed sources, Mubea has also been accused of hiding five files whose cases had been reported to the commission. The details of the said files are yet to be known. Mubea is also accused of working in cahoots with the company to defraud the public.
It is now being said that Mubea will finally find his way back and the EACC secretariat will work overtime to indict a few suspects to show its commissioners were sleeping on their jobs.
Investigations reveal that some of those accused want Mubea and Halakhe to remain to help them skew investigations while some MPs want the whole group to be kicked out the commissioners and the secretariat.
What is worrying many is that the position of Ruto is not clear on the matter but it is being whispered that he is unhappy with Waqo who allegedly gave out names that were not in the original list.
At one time, suspended Labour cabinet secretary Kazungu Kambi and Chirchir had boasted that they were not in the list. An MP from Rift Valley was heard after he read a story in a newspaper that Chirchir was not in the list of shame and was left wondering who then was in the list.
The MP was further heard complaining bitterly that man-eating Chirchir was making all Kalenjins look corrupt and that Ruto in the first place made a big error in nominating him given his past tainted nature from chicken gate scandal, Posta scam to IEBC.
It is also said that Mubea’s suspension had something to do with a report by the Commission on Administrative Justice alleging that he illegally earned Sh1.2 million during his term in office from January 2013 to date.
According to the report, Mubea was earning a gross salary of Sh780,000 instead of the Sh550,000 maximum set by the Salaries and Remuneration Commission. It is again said that Mubea negotiated the salary with Keino and the negotiations did not involve any other officials.
According to the report, Mubea receives Sh280,000 as allowances. He was also given a domestic servant allowance of Sh40,000 to compromise his position at EACC.
According to the report, Keino was inappropriately notified of the sale of the two houses by NSSF two years ago and three months after the sale had closed on December 30 2011, NSSF failed to place a public notice informing the public of the availability of 287 houses for sale at Nyayo Embakasi after the stipulated deadline. However, NSSF appeared to have selectively informed some potential buyers including Keino of the availability of the houses. Keino was given a letter of offer even before she made an application for the houses.
Although there is no evidence to confirm the allegation that NSSF may have donated the two houses to Keino, the timing and the manner in which the transaction took place suggests the fact that Keino may have compromised her position as the vice chair at  EACC, at a time EACC was investigating NSSF.
As the parliamentary committee advises that a tribunal be formed, the timing is suspect as it has come barely a month after Uhuru cracked the whip on corruption by demanding that top government officials named in the list of shame step aside to allow for speedy and independent investigations.
Back to the Abdikadir, Njee, Chepkonga deal, sources now say that the three are the key players behind the move to disband EACC. What is still a mystery is on whose behalf they are pushing for the EACC’s disbandment.
According to Matemu, some powerful forces in the government are behind the wars at the commission saying the Anglo Leasing scandal, Karen land saga, issue of the Integrity Centre sale and its relationship with the Deposit Protection Fund Board and Geothermal Development Company probe were part of the reasons behind attempts to disband the commission.
In the Karen land saga, big names in government and politicians feature prominently. It is also surfacing that Duale’s brother Abdi Duale has landed a multi-million shillings partition tender at new GDC Kawi headquarters in Nairobi South B. He runs a construction firm Concordia. It has been paid Sh170 million. Duale’s catering firm Nomad is providing services at GDC Menengai site. GDC files, it is said, were to be released for prosecution.


Football Kenya Federation has taken offence with a story published in The Nairobian which claimed that the FKF top management led by its president Sam Nyamweya has been involved in forgery.
It is suspected that the false and fabricated story whose source is the Nyanza branch representative Tom Alila was meant to send the country’s footballing fraternity into panic and disarray. Alila is said to have used his links in the media to have the story published after he gave the journalists some handouts. The article therefore failed the test of professional and objective journalism. 
Contrary to the malicious article, it is a common knowledge that all football competition rights in the territory in Kenya belong to Footbal Kenya Federation (Article 78 FKF Constitution similar to FIFA’s Art.78), an article which has been emphasised by the Fifa mediation team that was in the country led by Ghana Football Association president Kwesi Nyantakyi.
We have gathered that FKF does not need any authority from Kenya Premier league to sign any contract with any marketing agency MP & Silva. Alila’s intention however was to water down the eminent achievement of FKF in its sponsorship endeavors towards meaningful financial support for the leagues in Kenya.
Those who have been keenly following soccer events as they unfold will agree that its unheard of that FKF can question  and/or disassociate  its membership  from the decision and resolutions  of the general meeting is erroneous. 
The Nairobian  and Alila are now under pressure to retract the article and demands for a serious administrative and disciplinary action against the author and the source of the story.